The life and letters of John Paul Jones

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HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY

i™ BEQUEST OP

Grenville L.Winthrop

■943

Hiii boofc if not to b. nU or mliugBd

1 :

f

THE LIFE AND LETTERS

OF

JOHN PAUL JONES

John Vavi. Jonet

From tJie hurt by B

le Penniylvsnla Academy

-ONS

klM

John Pavl Jonbh.
FroDi the bust hy Hnudnn In Ihf ixsspwloii of the P«

luyli-nnia Academy

r»E LIFE AND LETT I P.

OF

JOHN PAUL JONES

BY

MRS. REGINALD de KOVEN

ILLUSTBATXD

VOLUME I

NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS

191S

CHARLES SOBIBNKB'a SONS
PublMtMl April, 191S

Co
CHARLES B. FARWELL

WHO SERVED

HIS OOUNTRT IN BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS

FOR UPWARD OF TWENTY TEARS

THIS BOOK IS AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED

BY HIS DAUGHTER

PREFACE

The fame of Paul Jones has been the sport of romance
and the plajrthing of tradition ever since the early days
of his glorious association with America's struggle for
independence. Bringing terror to the simple natives
of the stricken British coasts by his descents upon their
unprotected ports, hero of wellnigh imposdble ex-
ploits and of battles fought by moonlight under the lee
of their headlands, his name passed into the domain of
romantic legend and was one to conjure with. Chap-
books depicted him in highly colored prints, blood-
thirsty and terrible, and mothers frightened their chil-
dren with the bare mention of his name. During the
years shortly following his death, history and romance
alike were busy with his name. But these histories are
now out of print, and only to be found in rare collec-
tions or on the reference shelves of public Ubraries, and
the romances have ceased to charm. The patriotic
services of General Horace Porter in discovering the
hero's forgotten remains and bringing them to America
amid manifold honors to a permanent and glorious
resting-place at Annapolis have revived pubUc interest
in his character and deeds.

No one of the ten biographies of Jones which have
been written may properly be caUed adequate, as none
of them was prepared with a complete and comprehen-
sive knowledge of the existing material, with exhaustive

••

viii PREFACE

research for unpublished documents, or with full at-
tention to contemporary memoirs or historical publica-
tions.

Aside from the official dociunents on file in Wash-
ington, Paris, London, and St. Petersbiug, which re-
late to his services, Paul Jones, like other distinguished
men of his day, kept copies of his correspondence, pre-
serving many of the letters which he received and auto-
graph drafts of his own private and official letters. He
left these papers to his family in his will. His eldest
sister, Mrs. Taylor, selected from the collection the
portion pertaining to his American services, sending it
to Robert Hjrslop, a soUcitor of New York. Althou^
considering them of Kttle or no value, Mr. Hjrslop re-
tained them until his death, when they passed into the
hands of a baker, through the windows of whose shop
they were casually seen and thereafter acquired by Mr.
George A. Ward, who communicated the news of his
extraordinary find to John Heniy Sherburne, Regis-
trar of the Navy. Mr. Sherburne immediately set about
the compilation of his " life of Paul Jones,'' which ap-
peared in the year 1825, in which he published many of
the letters and official docxmients.

His book was only a compilation^ lacking chrono-
logical sequence, and supplying the barest facts in
regard to the character and private history of Jones.
In the year 1830 a well-written book based on the docu-
ments retained by Mrs. Taylor in Scotland was pub-
lished by an anonymous author in Edinburgh. It em-
bodied the unpublished journal of Jones's Russian
campaign, and, although presmnably by a British sub-

PREFACE ix

ject; was unbiassed; even sympathetic^ in its analysis of
Jones's character. There is no evidence that the book
awakened any general interest in Great Britain, or that
the long-delayed publication of the true facts about
Jones's connection with the Russian navy commanded
any attention in Europe. In the same year in which
this biography appeared, Miss Janette Taylor, who was
filled with a laudable desire to defend her distinguished
uncle's reputation, came to America with the intention
of arranging for an American publication of all the
papers in the possession of her family. She offered the
letters to the Historical Society of New York, which was
too poor to buy them; she then sought for an editor,
and found one in the person of Robert Sands, who made
in the greatest haste as ill-composed a volmne as that
of Sherburne, full of mistakes and of much bombastic
comment upon the principles of democracy. The book,
however, is the fullest printed repository of the papers
which were brought to America by Miss Taylor, and
which have unfortunately disappeared. The journal of
the Russian campaign, another journal, the rough draft
probably of that prepared for Louis XVI, together with
many private papers, have never been traced since Miss
Taylor gave them to Robert Sands. Jones left a few
papers with John Ross in Philadelphia, when he returned
to France after the dose of the Revolution. These let-
ters, with several which were originally consulted by
Sherburne, have strayed into the hands of dealers and
have been acquired by the various owners of the private
collections of Jones's letters.
A short biography, written by Cyrus Townsend Brady

X PREFACE

for the Great Commander series^ published in 1900,
contains some new facts in regard to Paul Jones's
adoption of his name from Willie and Allen Jones of
North Carolina.

These four books contain the authentic printed
material regarding Jones. A brief biographical essay
written anonymously by Benjamin DisraeU was pub-
lished immediately after the appearance of Sherburne's
compilation in London by John Mxirray. In 1841
Captain Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, of the United
States navy, at the suggestion of Jared Sparks, who had
collected material for a proposed biography of Jones,
produced an undocumented book, valuable as a pro-
fessional estimate of Jones's services but strangely
biassed and critical in its attitude toward his character.
None of the material collected by Sparks and now pre-
served in the Harvard library was utilized in Macken-
zie's biography, although it had all been put at his
disposition. An exhaustive examination of all the
dociunents in the Government archives of the United
States, England, France, and Russia, of all those exist-
ing in the University of Pennsylvania, in the Phila-
delphia Historical and Philosophical Societies, of the
manuscripts in the Harvard, Boston, and New York
public libraries, of the private collections of Jones's
manuscripts owned by Messrs. Morgan, Barnes, Har-
beck, Kane, Bixby, and the late John Boyd Thacher,
has brought to light an astonishmg amount of new ma-
terial. Unknown incidents in Jones's life have been
discovered, and several persons mysteriously referred
to in his correspondence and importantly connected

PREFACE xi

with his career have been identified. For the courteous
permission to examine and copy the docxmients in these
private collections grateful aclmowledgment is made, as
well as for the able and invariably prompt attention to
requests for facts and information given by Mr. Chas.
W. Stewart, Superintendent of the Naval Records in
Washington, and his assistant, Mrs. Annie H. Eastman.
Particular thanks are due to the Rev. Cjrus Townsend
Brady for the use of the original maps and data sup-
plied to him by the chief of the topographical section
of the imperial Russian general staff; to Commander
Fulham, of the Naval Station at Lake Bluff, Illinois,
for the information supplied relating to the system of
fire control existing at the present day in comparison
with that employed during the time of Paul Jones's ser-
vice in the American navy; to M. le Vasseur and M. de
Magellan for their careful and conscientious researches
in the uncatalogued libraries and government archives
of Paris, and for a like labor assumed by Madam Olga
Sttirck in St. Petersburg. Personal letters from the
late Colonel Wharton Green, of Fayetteville, North
Carolina, containing the statements made to him by
individuals who had actually known Paul Jones, have
served in conjunction with other hitherto unpublished
material to throw light upon the obscure period of his
life before the outbreak of the Revolution. Mr. Charles
T. Gallagher, secretary of the Grand Lodge of Massa-
chusetts, has supplied a copy of the justificatory papers
acquired by his lodge from Madame Gombault, the
great-grandniece of Paul Jones, which accompanied the
lost copy of his journal of his Russian campaign. These

xii PREFACE

paperS; from which only brief excerpts had been pub-
lished in the foot-notes of the Sands compilation, are of
the utmost value in proving the veracity of Jones's own
statements regarding his services in the Russian navy.
The letters which Mrs. Taylor sent to America, and
which formed the basis of Sherburne's biography, were
eventually acquired by Peter Force and bought by the
Congressional Library in the year 1867. This collection,
with the additional and still uncatalogued papers of the
Continental Congress, containing Jones's letters to the
Marine Conmiittee, together with the above-mentioned
private and pubKc collections of documents, have fur-
nished the largest portion of the new information con-
tained in the following pages. A conscientious effort has
been made by the minute examination of all discover-
able documents and a careful correlation of the informa-
tion thus obtained, in connection with the records of
contemporaneous history, to elucidate the hitherto ob-
scure and misunderstood periods and aspects of the
career of Paul Jones, and thereby to present a final and
truthful estimate of his life and character.

Anna Fabwell de Koven.

CONTENTS

I. Childhood and Youth 3

n. Pebiod of Adventube 22

III. Change of Name 52

IV. Beginnings of the American Navt ... 72
V. First Independent Command 108

VI. SUPERSEDURE IN RaNK 146

Vn. The Founding of the Navt 163

Vin. The "Ranger" 198

IX. Arrival in Europe 230

X. The Cruise of the "Ranger" 270

XI. The Selkirk Raid 298

XII. Simpson 330

Xin. Waiting for a Command 369

XIV. The Battle of the "Bon Homme Richard"

AND the "Serapis" 431

sH

ILLUSTRATIONS

John Paul Jones Frontispiece

From the bust by Houdon in the pocaoarion of the Pemisyl^
vanla Academy of the Ffaie Arts.

FACXNO
TAQM

The Birthplace of John Paul Jones at Arbigland,
Scotland 6

Notes in John Philip Kemble's HANDwiunNa, Stating
THAT Jones was an Actor in Jamaica .... 14

luJE Jones 54

''The Grove/' the Residence of Willie Jones . . 58

After an old print.

The Tombstone of William Paul 74

BtriLDiNQ in Fredericksburo where Wiluam Paul's
Shop was Located 74

Commodore Ezek Hopkins 90

From a print hi the ccdlection of Mr. Oharies A. Munn.

Joseph Hewes 124

The Residence of the Earl of Selkirk at Saint
Mart's Isle, which was Pulled Down in 1891 302

Diagram of the Engagement with the ^'Serapis" . 450

The Fight of the "Serapis" and the "Bon Homme
Richard" 452

From a print hi the oolleetton of Mr. Oharies A. Munn.

XV

*

I

xvi ILLUSTRATIONS

FAcmo

PAGB

Captain Paul Jones Subduino a Sailor who At-

TEBfPTED to StRKE HiS CoLORS IN THE ENQAGEBfENT

WITH THE "SeRAPIS" 456

FRnm a print in the ooUectioo of Mr. ObariM A. MmuL

MAP

Cbxtisb of thb "Bon Homme Bichabd" 432

^

ERRATA

Vol. I

Page 71, note, line 7, for friendliness — read friendlessness.

Page 188, note, after October 17 — insert 1776.

Page 205, line 4, for Baron Beaumarchais — read Caron de Beaumarchais.

Page 274, line 18, for Firth of Forth — read Sol way Firth.

Page 275, line 8, for Glenbue Bay — read Luce Bay.

Page 275, line 18, for Loughryan — read Loch Ryan.

Page 276. line 16, for " attack "—read " a tack."

Page 300, note, last line, for Salkirk — read Selkirk.

Vol. II

Page 176, last line, for Pinkney — read Hinckley.

Page 232, note, for " the letter of October 10 "—read " the Sherburne selection."

Page 265. note, for 1837— read 1826.

Page 483, line 9, for G>mil — read Capitan.

Page 483. line 15, for Capitan — read Gimil.

xvi ILLUSTRATIONS

VAcmo

PAGB

Captain Paul Jones Subduino a Sailor who At-
TEiiPTED to Strike His Colors in the ENOAOSifENT

WITH THE ''SeRAPIS'' 456

From a print in the ooUectioo of Mr. Oliftrles A. Mimn.

J

%
^

JOHN PAUL JONES

VOLUME I

s

CHAPTER I

CHILDHOOD AND YOXJTH

On the southernmost border of Scotland, where the

curving shore turns eastward into the Solway Firth,

two estates belonging originally to the Earls of Selkirk

occupy many acres of hill and forest. The estate of

Arbigland, which lay to the south, was sold in the year

1722 to the family of Craik by the third Earl of Selkirk.

The northern estate, stretching along the banks of the

River Dee, remained in the possession of the Sdkirk

family. Its castle is situated at the mouth of the river,

on a lovely wooded promontory called Saint Mary's

Isle, overlooking a bay of the Irish Sea. Across the

bay toward the north lies the little town of Kirkcud-

br^t, a seaport of the county of the same name, in

which both estates are situated. Arbigland, occupying

a verdant plateau among the mountains, which dope

upward from the rugged Solway shore, is situated in

the parish of Kirkbean at the other end of the county

some fifteen miles away.

Upon inheriting the latter estate, Robert Craik,

country squire and member of Parliament, engaged

John Paul, a landscape gardener of the town of Leith,

to lay out the property. George Paul, his brother, was

employed in a similar capacity at Saint Mary's Isle.

The two birothers belonged to a family long resident in

3

4 JOHN PAUL JONES

Fife; but their father had removed to Leith, and had
kept what was called a ''mail garden '' — a combination
of tavern and market-garden — ^in that town. This
business the sons inherited from their f ather, but, hav-
ing become versed in the higher forms of landscape
gajdening, they abandoned the tavern and soon ob-
tained advantageous positions in the practice of their
new profession on the two estates.

Shortly before entering the service of Mr. Craik,
John Paul married Jeannie McDuff, a daughter of a
family of free landholders long resident in the county.
The children of the family were seven: William, the
eldest son; Elizabeth, who died unmarried; Jane, who
became the wife of Mr. Taylor, a watchmaker in Diun-
fries; Mary Ann, first married to Mr. Young and sec-
ondly to Mr. Lowden; two other children, who died in
infancy; and John Paul, the fifth of the surviving
children, who first saw the li^t, according to the
statement of his relatives, on July 6, 1747. This son
is known to history as John Paul Jones.

The profession of landscape gardening was held in
high repute in Scotland in those days, and was f oUowed
by a superior class of men, who invariably enjoyed the
confidence and respect of their employers. That the
family of John Paul were admitted to terms of intimacy
and friendship with their patron is attested by letters
of Paul Jones himself to Mr. Craik, as well as by those
of his niece, Jane Taylor, who refers to Miss Helen
Craik, a daughter of the house, as her companion and
life-long correspondent.

The mother of the illustrious son, who was destined

V
V

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 5

to attract so much attention to her humble family and
estate, received with her children and grandchildren
that care for her necessities from her master, both before
and after her husband's early death, which was habitu-
ally given by Scotch landlords to their tenants and ser-
vants. George Paul's master, the octogenarian, John
Raglan, third Earl of Selkirk, was for the most part an
absentee, residing at Edinburgh. Paul Jones's earliest
recollections, according to his own statement,^ were not
of Arbigland, but of Saint Mary's Isle, where, in the care
of his reputed father's brother, he evidently spent his
earliest years. There in its gardens, on its wooded
shore, and in the neighboring village of Kirkcudbright,
he roamed at will, for after the death of the old earl,
in 1744, George Paul still remained in charge of the
estate, in the absence of the new owner. Some six
years later he removed with all his family to Kirkcud-
bright, where, until his death in 1753, he kept a nursery.*
The fact that George Paul was employed as gardener
to the third Lord Selkirk has never been mentioned
by any of the biographers of Paul Jones, but it has
great significance in accotmting for the many rumors
and printed statements in Scotch school-books and
biographical dictionaries which have connected him

* '' Narrative of Thomas Chase/' ohap. II.

* Notes made by W. C. McCleod, of Kirkoudbright, bundle 11, no. 81 :
''Siunmons at the instance ol William Millar seedman in Abbey of Holy
Rood House, against George John Elisabeth and Margaret Paul and
Andrew White Boatman husband of the said Margaret Paul for his
interest as heirs and ezeoutors of the decased George Paul gardiner
in Kircudbright for 14 2 6. sterling to be paid to the said William
Millar with execution thereof and bHi therein narrated dated Oct 22
1750. October 30 1763."

6 JOHN PAUL JONES

with Saint Mary's Islei and for his own later and sin-
gular attitude toward the Selkirk family.

Always within sight of blue water, whether at Saint
Mary's Isle or at his mother's cottage at Arbigland, on
the shores of the firth; his early taste for a seafaring
life was naturally fostered. From the slopes of Arbig-
land the child could watch the sailing of the ships
and the tide as it heaved up the Solway. To the north
his eyes dwelt on the granite walls of Criffel. To the
south; across the dividing arm of the sea, he could
descry the dim blue shapes of the English mountains,
Helvellyn, Skiddaw, and the Saddleback. The region
is full of the romantic associations of border warfare,
its heights still crowned with the castles of Scotland's
bold defenders. The motmtains told their tales of
prowess to the dreaming boy, and the beckoning sea
lured him to adventure.

While yet a tiny child it was his custom to wan-
der off to the Carsethom at the mouth of the River
Nith, where he listened to the stories of the mariners.
From them he learned his first skill in managing his
little sail-boat and conceived his first interest in Amer-
ica. The village l^ends still alive at Kirkcudbright
bear witness to his early talent for seamanship when
he was yet more child than boy. Words of command
caught from the lips of his sailor-teachers he was wont
to repeat to a company of subjugated playfellows as-
sembled in their mimic ships, while he assumed a su-
perior place upon a rocky eminence on the shore and
in a loud voice directed the manoeuvres; and often he
would launch his little boat alone upon the waters.

\

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 7

caUing out to his imaginary crew in words of authority
and command — ^the hero in miniatiu^, prophetic and
engaging picture!

As he grew older he attended the parish school of
Kirkbean and was proficient in his studies; but a
roving spirit was in the air, and the lad soon gave prom*
ise of imusual independence and an active imagina-
tion. It was the day of England's imperial expansion,
and many of her sons were moved to leave their home
shores on errands of glory or of gain. William, his
eldest brother, early departed for America. A son of
George Paul also emigrated to Charleston, South Caro-
lina, and settled there as a merchant, where Paul
Jones's youngest sister, Mary Ann, was destined to
reside as the wife of Mr. Lowden, also a merchant in
that city.

Not only did the sons of the two gardeners depart
for the new land across the seas, but a son of Robert
Craik as well was caught with the adventiu'esome
contagion, and against his father's will decided to cast
in his lot with the already rebellious colonists. This
son, illegitimate, but acknowledged and protected by
his father tmtil this act of disobedience, became that
distinguished Doctor Craik, of Alexandria, Washing-
ton's trusted physician as well as friend and l^atee.

At the early age of twelve John Paul was taken from
his lessons and apprenticed to Mr. Younger, a merchant
in the American trade, residing in the English port of
Whitehaven, across the firth. By him he was taken
aboard the ship Friendship, bound for the Rappahan-
nock, in Virginia. The Friendship anchored a few miles

8 JOHN PAUL JONES

only from Fredericksburgi where his brother William
had made his home, and with his brother he passed his
time while he was in port. His romantic sympathy
with America, which he had imbibed while still a child
in Scotland; was now still fmther fostered by his resi-
dence in America itself , "the comitiy of his fond predi-
lection/' as he always called it, "since his earliest boy-
hood/' In the half-settled colony of \^rginia there
were midoubtedly many opportimities for adventure
of all sorts most tempting to John Paul's active and
imaginative mind. But during the years of his ap-
prenticeship he spent all of his time while in port, both
in Viiginia and at home in Scotland; in the assiduous
study of his chosen profession. His aggressive; acquis-
itive mind was already busily at work searching what-
ever work of navigation he could lay hands on. Still
hardly more than a chQd; he realized; with the same
precocious wisdom which Hamilton showed at a simi-
lar age, that a foundation of wide knowledge was
imperative for one who would win his spurs in world
adventure.

During these years he returned for brief periods only
to Scotland; where at the termination of one of his
voyages he found himself thrown out of employment;
owing to the failure of his employer, Mr. Younger.
Having been fortunate enough; whfle still a mere lad,
to have engaged the interest of the Duke of Queens-
buiy, who, while on a visit to his brother-in-laW; the
third Lord Selkirk; had noticed him in the garden of
Samt Mary's IslC; young Paul now applied to him for
assistance; with the result that the duke recommended

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 9

him to a commander in the royal navy^ who appointed
him to a position as acting midshipman in the ser-
vice. He retained this position for several yearS; gain-
ing in valuable experience and that intimacy with
"many officers of note in the British Navy" to which
he refers in his later letters to Robert Morris^ in re-
gard to the establishment of the navy of America.

A further reference, which could only pertain to this
period in Jones's life, is found in a paper prepared in
the year 1783 for Morris, in which he states that he
had "sailed before this revolution in armed ships and
frigates." These plain statements, coupled with the
familiarity he showed with the rules and training of
the British naval officers, as most usefully employed
in the drilling of the raw colonial seamen on the flag-
ship* of the first American fleet, have never been ac-
counted for by any of his biographers.

The facts which are now presented for the first time
furnish a highly satisfactory as well as interesting ex-
planation of Jones's statements, and the evidence is
complete. The letters in which he makes these singu-
lar and hitherto mysterious references were written
in the earhest periJof his American service, many
years before his glorious experience in Europe had
raised him to a position where he could have had any
opportunity of intimacy with "British officers of note,"
and then only after the close of the war in which he
had fought on the American side.

A statement of the facts in regard to Jones's service

^ Letter to Robert Morris, September 4, 1776.
* Letter to Joeeph Hewee» hUy 19, 1776.

10 JOHN PAUL JONES

in the British navy is found in a review of Sherburne's
''life of Paul Jones'' printed in a number of the
United States Literary Gazette of the year 1825. This
was a well-known monthly magazine published in New
York City, and the review appeared in its columns
immediately after the production of Sherburne's work.
It contains a contemporary opinion of Jones's life and
character, with quotations from statements made to
the reviewer by a living and intimate acquaintance of
Paul Jones. The reviewer prints a letter written at his
request by this friend of Jones's, and assures his readers
that the author's veracity is tmquestionable. He com-
ments upon the paucity of personal information concern-
ing Jones in Sherburne's work, saying that the author
should have taken pains to gain information from in-
dividuals still living who had known Jones personally.
The reviewer writes:

Although Mr. Sherburne states that Lord Selkirk
knew nothing of Paul Jones or his father, a gentleman
who was a fellow lodger with the Chevalier in Paris,
had it from himself that his father was the gardener of
Lord Selkirk, and that the old Duke of Queensbuiy
who was an occasional visitor at Lord Selkirk's, had
noticed him while taking walks in the garden, and
patted him on the head, and that the Duke subse-
quently procured him a midshipman's warrant and
placed hun in the Royal Navy.^

The above statement is the only one made by Paul
Jones in regard to his parentage.
The letter of Jones's fellow-lodger, with its intimate

^ Appendix A.

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 11

details and ample information^ evidently supplied to
him first-hand from the lips of Jones himself^ deserves
the most careful consideration.

Dear Sir: —

I have gone through the life and character of Paul
Jones by Mr. Sherburne which you kindly sent me. It
appears to be as correctly given as the materials from
wMch it is selected and the time which has elapsed
since the circumstances occurred would permit.

If my memory is faithful, Conmiodore Jones told
me soon after his return from Russia, that his parents
were in obscure situations. That by accident he was
known to the old late Duke of Queensbury, who intro-
duced him in early life to a commander in the British
Navy. That he was placed on board a British Man-of-
War as acting midshipman, where he continued some
time; how long I do not remember, but long enough to
perceive that family interest had more influence than
personal merit. His jimiors were promoted while he
remained unnoticed; this determined him to enter the
merchant service where he continued until about two
years before the Revolution conunenced. So that at
the time he engaged in our service he stood in the same
position in regard to England with every native Amer-
ican. A recurrence to the correspondence of lieu-
tenant Jones with the Honorable Mr. Hewes I think
will fully prove that he had previously received some
education in the profession in which he so eminently
distinguished himself during our Revolutionary War. ^

Following the words of Jones's statement that the
Duke of Queensbury met him at Saint Mary's Isle and
'' subsequently" procured him his appointment in the

^ For the rest of this letter, see Appendix A.

12 JOHN PAUL JONES

British navyi it is safe to assume that the duke's in-
terest dated from the time when he came across the
promising child in the garden of Lord Selkirk's estate,
and that it was not mitil after young Paul's release
from his apprenticeship to Mr. Younger and his ensu-
ing application for assistance to the duke that he rec-
ommended him for the position in the navy.

On leaving the navy he engaged as tlurd mate on
the slaver King George at Whitdiaven^ and afterward
was employed as chief mate on another slaver, the Two
Friends. His prompt advancement to the latter req)on-
sible position is conclusive evidence of his already accom-
plished seamanship and of his firm and reliable character.

During the years of his voyages he visited not only
the West India islands, but also the coasts of Africa
and Spain. He had been forced to witness much
cruelty during the periods he passed in this employ-
ment, and it is not surprising to learn, on the authority
of his relatives, that as he grew to manhood he was
unable to countenance the enormities of a trade which
was the foundation of many of the laige fortunes of
Liverpool and Glasgow as well as those of the British
colonies in America.

In this attitude he showed a d^^ree of high-minded-
ness far in advance of his time, but after two years in
this uncongenial service, he abandoned his position in
uncontrollable disgust and found himself in Jamaica
in the year 1768 alone and without employment.
While waiting for a passage back to Scotliuid he ac-
cepted a position as an actor in the company of John
Moody, which was then playing in Jamaica. Moody

CHILDHOOD AND YOtJTH 13

was a well-known Irish actor who had himself spent
several years in the English islands playing '^ Ham-
let'' and other Shakespearian r61es. He returned to
England in the year 1759 and there gained great repu-
tation through his character parts. A few years later
he sent a theatrical company bearing his name to the
West Indies. In this company the yomig John Paul
was engaged for a brief period. This fact has been
curiously made known in the handwriting of John
Philip Kemble, Moody's great contemporary and inti-
mate friend. In a note appended to the title of a life
of Jones, included in a catalogue of his libnuy, Eemble
states that '^This celebrated man was an actor in the
same company with Mr. Moody in Jamaica, and made
his first appearance on the stage in the character of
the young Betril in 'The Conscious Lovers.'"

lliis temporary employment did not strongly ap-
peal to the yotmg sailor, or wean him from his love of
the sea, for he soon engaged passage on board the John,
of Kirkcudbright, and started on his voyage back to
Scotland. During the passage, both officers. Captain
MacCadam and his first mate, died of fever, and there
being no one else on board capable of taking com-
mand, the young John Paul brought the vessel safely
into port. This tmexpected opportimity brought him
into high favor with the owners of the ship, Currie
Beck & Company, a firm of West India merchants
resident m Kirkcudbright, and he was forthwith ap-
pointed master and supercaigo of the John.

Thus promptly he received reward for his abandon-
ment of the lucrative but abominable slave-trade.

14 JOHN PAUL JONES

in the shape of an advantageous connection with
reputable merchants and his first full command of a
ship. The first voyage which he made as master
of the John was conducted successfully, but on the
second, while he was engaged in loading his vessel
at the island of Tobago, he was compelled to flog a
disobedient sailor, with results which were destmed
to involve him in serious complications and difficul-
ties.

This was in the spring of 1770, while John Paul was
unloading the cargo he had brought from Scotland.
The carpenter of the John was lazy, disrespectful to
his commander, and finally openly mutinous. After
various ineffectual efforts to control him, Paul finally
resorted to the method, then in general use, of flogging
the delinquent. The man, whose name was Mtmgo
Maxwell, went before James Simpson, judge of a vice-
admiralty court then in session in Tobago, and made
a complaint. The judge examined the man's stripes,
which he found of no importance, and dismissed the
complaint as frivolous. Six weeks later, in perfect
health. Maxwell shipped on board a Barcelona packet
and left the island. Paul remained in the West Indies
for a number of months, engaged in occupations which
he set forth in the following letter to his patron, Mr.

Craik:

St. Geobge, Granada,

bth of August, 1770.
Sra:—

Common report here says that my owners are gomg
to finish their connections m the West Indies as fast
as possible. How far this is true, I shall not pretent to

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 15

judge, but should that really prove the case, you know
the disadvantages I must of course labor tmder. These,
however, would not have been so great had I been ac-
quainted with the matter sooner, as in that case I
believe I could have made interest with some gentle-
men here to have been concerned with me in the large
ship out of London, and as these gentlemen have es-
tates in this and the adjoining Islands I should have
been able to make two voyages every year, and always
have a full ship out and home. However, I by no
means repine, as it is a maxim with me to do my best,
and leave the rest with Providence.

I shall take no step whatever without your knowl-
edge and approbation. I have had several very se-
vere fevers lately which have reduced me a good deal,
though I am now perfectly recovered.

I must b^ you to supply my mother should she want
anything, as I well know your readiness.

I hope yourself and family enjoy health and happi-
ness. Sir, YoiuB always,

Jom^ Paul.

Although far from comprehending his own very im-
usual endowments at this early period, his common-
sense and practical ability evidently impressed all
those with whom he came in contact, and the candor
and sincerity of his demeanor invariably made him
friends. He was still very youthful, self-educated,
hiunble in birth, and only the hired commander of a
small Scotch merchantman, yet he enjoyed dose and
friendly relations with the leading men and merchants
of Tobago.

This island is the southernmost of the Windward
group and lies slightly north of Trinidad. Being motm-

16 JOHN PAUL JONES

tainous and salubrious in climate, it had been brought
to a high state of cultivation by the successive col-
onists of France and England who had occupied it.
Its shape, volcanic, like its sister islands, was like the
green mound of a melon, with fertile valleys running
in deep indentations from its summit to the water's
rim. Wide mansion-houses, built of English brick
and perched on eminences half-way up the slope, looked
out upon the surrounding ocean and down upon the
Uttle capital town of Scarborough, on the southwest-
em comer of the island, at the edge of Rockley Bay.
Here the business and the government of Tobago were
conducted, and in this bay the young John Paul was
wont to moor his ship during the long intervals between
his outward and home voyages. It was during these
leisurely months that he made his friendships with
Judge Simpson and Governor Yoimg, with Mr. Ham-
ilton, of the Grange, and with Mr. Stewart and his
family, of Orange Valley, and with those gentlemen
planters in the neighboring island of Granada of whom
he spoke to Mr. Craik.

In the latter part of this year (1770), having brought
the John back to Scotland, he was stopping for a time
at the port of Kirkcudbright, and applied for admission
to the lodge of Freemasons of that town. The letter
in which he made his application for admission is pre-
served in fac^simile at Douglas Castle, at Saint Maiy's
Isle. It is an earnest attempt at the formal phrase-
ology which he deemed the occasion demanded. He
spells ''regard," "regaird," with a hint of the Scotch
brogue which characterized his speech at this time.

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 17

and there are other instances of misspelling which do
not occur in the el^ant letters of his later years.

He learned soon after his arrival that the rumor of
Cuirie Beck's intention of dissolving partnership was
correct, and again found himself without employment.
This turn in his a£fairs was no more than he had an-
ticipated, but a very painful announcement awaited
him for which he was entirely unprepared. He learned
that Mungo Maxwell had died on board the Barcelona
ship a short time after he left Tobago and that the
responsibility of the sailor's death was laid at his door.
Rdations of Maxwell residing in a neighboring county
persistently spread the rumor that John Paul was re-
sponsible for his death, and continually threatened
to cause his arrest. Added to this revengeful threat
was the jealousy of his neighbors and shipmates, who
resented his rapid advancement in his career. The
rumor spread persistently, his family was humiliated,
and to his intense grief he found that his patron, Mr.
Craik, also gave credence to the malicious report.

He asked and received an honorable discharge from
the owners of the John^ which proved his good stand-
ing with his former employers. This document is dat-
ed April 1, 1771. Subsequent to this he occupied
himself during the period of about six months in local
trading with the Isle of Man. His traducers have
stated that this was a smuggling trade, but his own
emphatic denial of this accusation is supported by
the records preserved in the customs books of the
town of Douglas. The very first entry of goods shipped
from England to the Isle of Man after it became
the property of the crown stands in John Paul's name.

18 JOHN PAUL JONES

During the whole of this period he dwelt under a
doud of evil report, and awaited openly a direct
attack from his accusers, ready to face the verdict of
a British jury and eager to dear his name from sus-
picion. Believing at last that no one of his accusers
would dare openly to confront him, he nevertheless
took ship again for the West Indies for the purpose of
gathering proofs to refute definitely these HAmaging
accusations.

When he arrived in the island of Tobago, he found no
difficulty whatever in procuring the necessary evidence.
His friends. Judge Simpson and William Young, the
governor, were both entirely willing to assist him in
his emergency. Judge Simpson furnished him with the
needful affidavit.^

^ Before the Honorable Lieutenant Governor, William Young, Esquire
of the Island: —

Aforesaid personally appeared, James Simpson Esquire, who, being
duly sworn upon the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God;

Dbpobbth and Battb:

That: Sometime about the beginning of May, in the year of our Lend,
1770, a person in the habit of a sailor, came to this deponent, who was
at tiiat time Judge Surrogate of the Court of Vice Admiralty for the
Island af oresaith, with a complaint against John Pftul, commander of a
Brigantine thai lying in Rockley Bay of said Island, for having beat the
then complainant who belonged to the said John P^'s vessel; at the
same time showing deponait his shoulders which had there the mariu
of Bevml stripes, but none that were either mortal or dangerous, to the
best of this deponait's opinion and belief.

And this deponait further saith — ^That he did summon the said John
Pftul before him, who in his vindication alleged that the said complainant
had on all occasions proved very ill qualified for, as well as very negli-
g^it in his duties, and also that he was very lasy and inactive in the
execution of his, the said John Paul's lawful command. At the same
time declaring his sorrow for having corrected the complainant; and
this deponent further saith: That having dismissed the complaint as
frivolous, the complainant as this deponait believes, returned to his
duty and this deponait further saith: — ^That he has since understood
that the said complainant died afterwards on board of a different vessel
on her passage to some of the leaward Islands, and that the said John

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 19

Anned with this exculpatory document, John Paul
again returned to England, and on the day after his
arrival wrote his family of the result of his vo}rage:

London, 2^ih September 1772.
My dear Mother and Sisters: —

I only arrived here last night from the Grenadas;
I have had but poor health during the voyage, and my
success in it not having equalled my first sanguine ex-
pectations, has added very much to the asperity of my
misfortunes, and I am well assured was the cause of
my loss of health. I am now however better, and I
trust Providence will soon put me in the way to get
bread, and (which is far my greatest happiness) be ser-
viceable to my poor but much valued friends. I am
able to give you no account of my future proceedings,
as they depend upon circumstances which are not fully
determined.

I have enclosed you a copy of an affidavit made
before Governor Young by the Judge of the Court of
Vice Admiralty at Tobago, by which you will see with
how Uttle reason my life has been thirsted after, and
which is much dearer to me, my honor, by maliciously
loading my fair character with obloquy and vile asper-
sions. I beUeve there are few who are hard hearted
enough to think I have not long since given the world
every satisfaction in my power, being conscious of my

Paul 88 this deponait is informed, has been accused in Great Britain as
the immediate author of the said complainant's death, by means of the
said stripes hereinbefore mentioned.

This accusation, this deponent, for the sake of humanity, in the most
solemn manner declares and believes to be in his judgment without any
just foundation as far as relates to the stripes before mentioned; which
this deponent very particularly examined, and

Further this depon^t saith not.

Jaios Simmon.

Sworn before me.

This 30th day of June, 1772
WHiUAM Young.

20 JOHN PAUL JONES

innocence before Heaven, who will one day judge even
my Judges. I staked my honor, life and forkine for
six long months on the verdict of a British Jury, not-
withstanding I was sensible of the general prejudices
which ran against me; but after all, none of my ac-
cusers had the courage to confront me. Yet I am
willing to convince the world, if reason and facts will
do it, that they have no foundation for their harsh
treatment. I mean to send Mr. Craik a copy properly
proved, as his nice feelings will not perhaps be other-
wise satisfied. In the meantime, if you please, you
may show him the enclosed. His imgracious conduct
to me before I left Scotland I have not yet been able
to get the better of ; every person of feeling must think
meanly of adding to the load of the afflicted. It is
true I bore it with seem unconcern, but Heaven can
witness for me that I suffered the more on that very
account. But enough of this!

The dominant qualities of Paul Jones's character, his
regard for reputation, keen sensitiveness of feeling, and
strong imagination, reacting, as they never f afled to do,
upon a singularly responsive phjrsical organization,
were abeady evident in this early letter. His care for
his '^poor but valued friends,^' to whose support he was
already in the habit of contributing, is the best proof
of his loyal and affectionate disposition. No further
evidence is necessary to prove his innocence of chaiges
which were many times revived against him, or of the
intensity of his suffering from the obloquy which was
cast most unjustly upon his name. He never again
wrote to Mr. Craik, who, his relatives state, was after-
ward entirely convinced of his innocence. He never
again visited his birthplace in Scotland; he never saw

CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH 21

his family again. He busied himself with his affairs in
London, and, not content with the evidence of Judge
Simpson, he obtained from James Eastment, the cap-
tain of the ship on which Mungo Maxwell died, the
following affidavit, which testified to the manner and
cause of the sailor's death :

James Eastment mariner and late master of the
Barcelona Packet, maketh oath and saith that Mungo
Maxwell carpenter formerly on board the John^ Cap-
tain Paul, Master, came in good health on board his,
this deponent's said vessel, then l3dng in Great Rock-
ley Bay, in the island of Tobago, about the middle of
the month of June in the year one thousand seven
hundred and seventy, in the capacity of a carpenter
aforesaid.

That he acted as such in every respect in perfect
health for some time after he came on board tiiis de-
ponents said vessel, the Barcelona Packet after which
he was taken ill of a fever and lowness of spirits, which
continued for four or five days, when he died on board
the said vessel during her passage from Tobago to
Antigua.

And this deponent further saith that he never heard
the said Mungo Maxwell complain of having received
any ill usage from the said Captain John Paul; but
that he, this deponent verily believes that said Mungo
Maxwell's death was occasioned by a fever and low-
ness of spirits as aforesaid, and not by or through any
other cause or causes whatsoever.

This document John Paul deposited with the then
Lord Mayor of London, on the 30th of January, 1773.

CHAPTER n

PERIOD OP ADVENTURE

YouNQ Paul had evidently succeeded in establishing
his credit with reliable merchants during the period
of his trading with the Isle of M^, for he now was
able to secure the necessary advance to enable him
to purchase the ^' large London ship/' of which he had
written to Mr. Craik; and to start out in business for
himself. He purchased the Befoej/, a London merchant-
man, and; having loaded her at Cork, set sail for the
West Indies in the early part of the year 1773. In
April he was again in the bay of Tobago. As he had
succeeded in procuring his ship by his own unaided
exertions, he now easily induced Archibald Stuart,
Esq., a planter in the island, to enter into partner-
ship with him. He invested the proceeds of the sale
of his original cargo in the purchase of West Lidian mer-
chandise, and paid off his chief officers, but he hoped
to be able to defer payment of his seamen until he
had realized on his return cargo in England. By such
methods he ran the risk of losing his crew, and, as the
event proved, he paid dearly for his temerity. The
sailors murmured and refused to be placated by the
promises of gifts of clothing with which, as he himself
admits, he attempted to conciliate them. Under these
circumstances he made all haste to finish his loading
and put to sea, but on coming aboard one morning he
found himself confronted by a well-organized plot on

22

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 23

the part of his drunken and dissatisfied crew to desert
the ship in a body.

Just freed from the serious difficulties caused by his
chastisement of Mungo Maxwell, it may well be be-
Ueved that he had no desire to become involved in
further trouble. But a fatality of the worst and most
unexpected kind awaited him. In defending himself
from a determined and murderous attack made by the
ringleader of the mutmy, he was unfortunate enough
to kill the man. This second and separate incident of
trouble with his sailors, with its immediately fatal con-
sequences, has never been known to any of his biog-
raphers. In the year 1906 an account of this occur-
rence was discovered in a letter to Benjamin Franklin,
in the well-known handwriting of Paul Jones himself.
This document was one of a collection of thirteen
thousand letters written to Franklin, and bequeathed
about the year 1850 to the Philosophical Society of
Philadelphia by the son of George Fox, who had re-
ceived it from Franklin's grandson. For more than
half a century this remarkable letter lay in the vaults
of the society unnoticed. Under a recently appointed
librarian, the long-delayed task of cataloguing the
enormous mass of documents was initiated and the
truth about this important event in Paul Jones's life
brought to Ught. This letter illumines the period of
his life which has always been obsciUB to his biog-
raphers, gives the reason for his temporaiy abandon-
ment of a sea career, and explains in large measure his
change of name. The account written to Franklin re-
lates the incident in detail:

24 JOHN PAUL JONES

L'Orient, March 6th, 1779.

HONOBED AND DeAB Sik: —

The mystery which you so delicately mention in your
much esteem^ favor of the 24th ult. — ^it has been my
intention for more than Twelve months past to com-
mimicate to you; which however I have put off from
time to time on reflecting that the Account must give
you more pain than pleasure: — ^yet had I not, on my
sudden departure from hence for Parisi inadvertently
neglected to take with me the Original Paper whereof
the inclosed is a Copy. I certainly should then have
put it in your hands. — ^The subject at the beginning of
the War was communicated to sundiy Members of
Congress among whom I may mention Mr. Hewes of
No. Carolina and Mr. Morris of Philadelphia; and to
various other persons in America before and Since. — ^It
was the advice of my friend Gov. Yoimg among many
others, when that great Misfortune of my life hap-
pened, that I should retire Incog, to the continent of
America, and remain there until an Admiralty Com-
mission should arrive in the Island, and then return.
— ^I had waited that event eighteen months before
Swords were drawn and the Ports of the Continent
were Shut.

It had been my intention from the time of my mis-
fortune to quit the sea service altogether, and, after
standmg Trial, as I had the means, to purchase some
small tracts of Land on the Continent, which had been
my favorite Country from the age of thirteen, when I
firat saw it. — ^I had settled my future place of retire-
ment in '^ calm contemplation and Poetic ease.''

I could have no views of protection from a new Gov-
ernment, and therefore as I adhered to my first resolu-
tion of returning to the West Indies, to Stand Trial,
and to Settle my affairs there as soon as peace should
be restored to tiie Continent, it was the advice of my

PERIOD OP ADVENTURE 25

friends that I should till that wished event might be
brou^t about, remam Incog. —

• •••••• •

It may be said that I have been unfortunate — ^but
it cannot be made appear that I have ever, even in the
weakest Moment of my Life been capable of a Base or
a mean Action.
I am with grateful and real affection and respect,

Honored and Dear Sir

Your very obliged

Very obedient

Very humble servant
John Paul Jonbs.

The enclosure referred to above is as follows:

P. S. The Master of a West India ship from London
had occasion to ship sundiy seamen at the Island
where he landed — one of whom in particular behaved
himself very ill — ^He was a—principal in Embezzling
the Master's Liquor— He got frequently drunk — ^He
n^ected and even refused his duty witii much inso-
lence.— ^He stirred up the rest of the crew to act in the
Same manner and was their avowed Ringleader.

As the Master's engagements were of such a nature
that his all depended upon dispatch, he gave his Crew
very reasonable encouragement, — Tliey had plenty of
good Provision and were in other respects well used. —
Notwithstanding of which one forenoon when the Mas-
ter came on Board he found that the Crew had formed
or were then forming a plot to desert the ship. — ^As the
Master was walking aft the Ringleader rushed up from
the steerage and stopped him with the grossest abuse
that vulga^rism could dictate — ^because, as he pretended,
the Master had sailed his ship fourteen Months with-
out pajring wages. — ^The fellow having sometime be-

26 JOHN PAUL JONES

fore complained that he wanted cloaths, the Master
now gave him Frocks and Trousers telling him to go
about his duty and to inform himself better — ^for that
what he had said was not so — .But mildness had no
good effect, for while the Master was distributing
Cloathing to some of the rest who were also in want,
the first conveyed his things into the Boat and another
of the Crew was f oUowing his example, till observing
that the Master had an eye upon their proceedings,
they Sneaked back into the ship — They remained quiet
for a short space. — ^But the Ringleader soon broke out
again with Oaths and insisted on having the boat and
quitting the Ship — ^This the Master refused, but offered
to give up his agreement if a Man could be found to
serve in his room. The disturber Swore with horrid
imprications that he would take away the Boat by
force! — and for that purpose actually rushed over the
Gangway, bidding the Master the most contemptuous
defiwce! — ^Upon the Master's stepping to prevent this
the Man (having threw his strength) leapt into the
Ship and forced him into the Cabin, using at the time
language and attitudes too indecent to be mentioned,
and charging him not to shew his Nose upon Deck again
till the Boat was gone at his utmost peril. — ^The Master
searched the Cabin for a stick, but not finding one, and
his Sword, by chance being on the Table, he took it up
in hopes that the sight of it would intimidate the Man
into submission. — ^Tlie Man had by this time descended
the Gangway within a step of the boat, so that it would
have been impossible to prevent his Elopement had
he persisted — ^But he now re-entered the Ship breath-
ing Vengeance, and, totally regardless of the Sword,
tho withm its reach, turned his back towards the Mas-
ter, ran on the Main Deck, Armed himself with a
Bludgeon with which he retiuned to the quarter Deck
and attacked the Master. The Master was thunder

PERIOD OP ADVENTURE 27

Struck with surprise, for he had considered the Man's
ravings as the natural effect of disappointed Rage which
would soon subside of itself. — ^But now his sole expe-
dient was to prevent bad consequences by retiuning
again to the Cabin; — and this he endeavored to do as
fast as possible by retiring backwards in a posture of
defence. — ^But alas I what is human foresight. — ^The
after Hatchway was uncovered and lay in a direct line
between the Master's back and the cabin door, but the
momentary duration of the attack did not admit of
his recollecting that circumstance before his heel came
in contact with the Hatchway, which obliged him to
make a — Sudden Stop. — ^Unhappily at that instant
the assailant's arm being high raised, he threw his Body
forward to reach the Master's head with the descend-
ing Blow — The fatal and tmavoidable consequence of
wUch was his rushing upon the Sword's Point.

After this melancholy accident the Master went
Publickly to a Justice of the Peace and offered to Sur-
render as his Prisoner. — ^The Justice who called him-
self the Masters friend, persuaded him to withdraw and
Said it was unnecessary to Surrender before the day of
Trial. — ^And the rest of the Masters friends who were
present forced him to mount his Horse. — Two weeks
before this the Chief Mate had been for the first time
in his Life advanced to that Station — and yet imworthy
as his conduct had been in it he now openly arrogated
his unblushing pretentions to the Command, and to
attain it associated with the Crew. The Testimony
of such a combination may easily be imagined, con-
scious as they were of having embezzled the Masters
property they were not likely to dwell on any circum-
stance that manifested their own dastardly and im-
dutiful Conduct. — ^And as the second Mate a young
Gentleman of worth lay Sick as well as all the inferior
Officers and best disponed of the Crew, in all hmnan

28 JOHN PAUL JONES

probability the Truth could not escape the grossest
perversions. — ^Besides the Nature of the Case Subjected
it to the cognizance of a Court Martial — ^And there was
no Admiralty Commission then in the Government. —
For these obvious reasons the Masters friends con-
strained him for a time to leave the Country.

N. B. The foregoing has been written in great haste
to Save the Post.^

The kind friend and indulgent philosopher to whom
this letter was addressed made in his reply no reference
to the story it contained, except to say that it was sim-
ply a case of self-defence. There is no evidence that
the confession, so painful to Paul Jones, ever altered
in any way the friendship which existed between them.
Legally, Paul Jones was absolutely justified in killing
the ringleader of the mutiny, not only by the author-
ity of the laws and customs then universally prevalent
upon the sea, but also from the fact that the man's
assault was evidently with intent to kill. The points
of the affau* which deserve consideration are Jones's
own r^ret at the circumstance, his enforced fii^t,
and the serious results which it entailed upon his char-
acter and career. No blame can properly be attached
to the act, except in the fact (clearly indicated in his
own narrative) that he unwisely believed that his crew
would remain contented without their wages until such
time as suited his convenience. It is impossible to
read this account without a profound Efympathy for
the horror and dismay which must have overwhelmed

^The letter is dated March 6, 1779, and» belonging to a much later
period, is not fully quoted at this point. It is given in its entirety in
Appendix B.

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 29

his mind at this second catastrophe. The consterna-
tion of the men who had abeady proved themselves his
friends, when he appeared before them staggering un-
der the shock of this fatal and mipremeditated disas-
ter, can well be imagined. Judge Simpson had already
set his hand to the affidavit which cleared him of the
responsibility of Mungo Maxwell's death. Governor
Young had testified to the truth of the document, and
this evidence had been put into Jones's hands on the
occasion of his last visit to the island in the preceding
year.

Although this evidence was strong enough to pre-
vent an open attack, his enemies still whispered of his
guilt, and hostile rumors were alive which, in the light
of this second occurrence, would have strongly mili-
tated against him had he determined to face a trial
at that time. The man's death was immediate, and
Jones had been armed with a sword. The chief mate
was jealous, ambitious of assuming- command, and was
known to be hostile. The evidence of the second mate
and the other inferior officers was unobtainable, and
the sailors, for the reasons above mentioned, were all
against him. Under these seriously unfavorable con-
ditions he nevertheless ofifered to surrender himself
immediately, but Judge Simpson, still his friend, ad-
vised him that this was unnecessary until the day of
trial. No court of admiralty was then in session on
the island, and no date for the appointment of such
a tribunal had been set. Jones's surrender or arrest
might have meant indefinite imprisonment or a more
serious sentence from an inferior court. It is not sur-

30 JOHN PAUL JONES

prising that a conference of his f riends; held in secret,
as may be inferred, in the face of such serious danger,
should have resulted in the advice that Jones should
mount his horse and, making his way to some other
port, depart from the island.

It is difficult for those who have studied the charac-
ter of Paul Jones to imagine this strict disciplinarian,
this fighter by nature, ^'retiring backwards in a posture
of defence" or seeking refuge from his mad and muti-
nous assailant in his cabin. But with the memoiy of
Maxwell in his mind, it is entirely credible that he
did attempt to avoid serious trouble by any means in
his power.

Paul Jones never retiuned to Tobago to stand his
trial, and the reasons for this are set forth in the letter.
What does not appear in this account is the fact that
rumors confounded the circumstances of this occur-
rence with the better-known incident of Mimgo Max-
well, and Jones's acquittal for the one offence was
therefore held to apply to the other.

A very rare old book, entitled "The Biographies of
the Principal Military and Naval Heroes of America,*'
written by one Thomas Wilson, of Philadelphia, pub-
lished in that city in the year 1817, before the appear-
ance of any of the "lives'' of Paul Jones, contains an
account of both occurrences merged into one. It is
very valuable in the confirmatory evidence it supplies
of the defensive nature of his attack on the sailor
and in the indication it gives of the manner in which
the two incidents were confused in the rumors of the
time:

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 31

CAPTAIN PAUL JONBS

This football of fortune was a native of Scotland.
His father had been originally a gardener to the Earl
of Selkirk.

Circumstances at present unknown led him to em*
brace a seafaring life at the age of fifteen. After he
had served a r^ular apprenticeship he commanded a
merchant vessel which was for many years engaged in
the West India trade.

During a voyage to Tobago the crew of his vessel
mutinied. He, in the incipiency of the insurrection
resorted to conciliatory measures with a view to re-
storing order; but his moderation being supposed to
be the effect of fear, the mutineers grew bolder and
renewed their threats. On this, Captain Paul armed
himself with a small sword, posted himself on the quar-
terdeck and informed the mutineers that the most se-
rious consequences would result if they should pass the
after hatchway, and that an attempt to get on the
quarterdeck would induce him and his officers to risk
their own lives in endeavoring to effect their destruction.
They were somewhat appalled by his decision; but
some more desperate than the rest, determined to seize
him, and armed with handspikes, crowbars, and axes,
moved along the waist to the quarterdeck. The leader,
on approaching Captain Paul, raised a handspike to
strike him, and made the blow, but it was evaded and
he missed his object; but was about to renew it, and
when he lifted a second time. Captain Paul pierced the
ruffian; he fell dead on the deck. The rest fled to the
forecastle and some below deck; those who remained
above were seized and put in irons; and those who had
resisted the mutiny, being encoiu'aged by the resolu-
tion of the Captain, secur^ the others below.

32 JOHN PAUL JONES

The voyage was prosecuted and they arrived at To-
bago, where Captain Paul surrendered himself to the
proper authority, with a demand that he should be
tried for the death of the mutineer. The transaction
excited considerable interest; but at length he obtained
a formal trial wherein he was finally acquitted. What
became of the mutineers we do not now recollect; but
it is upwards of 30 years since we read the narrative.

Captain Paul had dispatched his ship imder another
officer to Europe while he awaited the trial, and after
his acquittal returned to Europe. He landed in Eng-
land where the story had preceded him with great exag-
geration, and he was menaced with imprisonment and
a new trial. In this dilemma he addressed his friends of
the Scots House in Cork; described the prosecution he
had experienced and the injustice of bringing him a
second time to trial, contrary to the laws of England.
In his friends he foimd advice and protection, and to
escape injustice he determined to proceed to the Amer-
ican Continent where he added to his paternal name
the nomme de guerre Jones.

It is in no way remarkable that the reports current
in those troublous times, when ports were closed and
correspondence imcertain and irregular, should have
mingled the two incidents. They both occmred at
Tobago, and the same authorities, Judge Simpson and
Governor Yoimg, were concerned in both. Jones, quite
naturally, considered it needless to enlighten the gen-
eral public in regard to the matter, but there are various
mjrsterious references to it in intimate letters which
none of his biographers have hitherto been able to ex-
plain. He always called it "the misfortime of my life,"
and it is evident that he never could forget it, but was

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 33

forced to call to his aid all his fortitude and philosophy
to enable him to surmount the sufiFering which it caused
him. At a later period^ in referring to the distress
which he suffered from his supersedure in rank, he
says: ''Its reality affects me more than all the former
misfortunes of my life, some of them were perhaps
brou^t about by my own misconduct — ^this I am sure
was not/' It is plain that he did not consider himself
wholly innocent of the contributing cause of the fatal*
ity arising from the fact that he had not paid his crew
in full, and was therefore partly responsible for their
dissatisfaction.

He made a volimtary confession of the imfortunate
occurrence at the outset of his friendship with Hewes
and Morris, and was imwilling to continue his impor-
tant relation with Franklin without making a similar
confession to him.

The immediate results of this disaster were exceed-
ingly serious. He was compelled to abandon the busi-
ness which he had brought with such difficulty to a suc-
cessful issue, and nearly penniless and m tragic haste to
depart from the island. He left both ship and cargo
in the hands of his partner and entered upon a truly
melancholy period of homeless and nameless wander-
ing. This period, lasting from Jime, 1773, to the winter
of 1775, has been one of almost complete obscurity to
all of his previous biographers. He fled from Tobago
under an assumed name, and, imable openly to claim
his rightful property, he emei*ged as John Paul Jones,
a regularly appointed officer in the American navy.
Two brief references exist in the letters of Jones himself

34 JOHN PAUL JONES

to throw some light upon this part of his life. One of
these, found in a letter already printed in the Edin-
burgh and Sands biographies, was written in the spring
of the year 1777, when Jones had advanced to a leading
position in the American navy:

Boston, 4lh May 1777.
Deabsir.

After an improfitable suspense of twenty months,
(having subsisted on fifty pounds only during that time.)
when my hopes of reUef were entirely cut off, and thete
remained no possibility of my receiving wherewithal to
subsist upon from my effects in your idand, or in Eng-
land, I at last had recourse to strangers for that aid and
comfort which was denied me by those friends whom I
had entrusted with my all. The good offices which are
rendered to persons in their extreme need, ought to
make a deep impression on grateful minds; in my case
I feel the truth of that sentiment, and am bound by
gratitude as well as honour to follow the f ortimes of my
late benefactors. I have lately seen Mr. Sicaton, (late
manager of the estates of Arch. Stuart Esq.) who in-
formed me that Mr. Ferguson had quitted Orange Val-
ley, on being charged with the imjust appUcation of the
property of his employers. I have been and am ex-
tremely concerned at this account : I wish to disbelieve
it, although it seems too much of a piece with the unfair
advantage which, to all appearance he took of me, when
he left me in exile, for twenty months, a prey to melan-
choly and want, and withheld my property, without
writing a word of excuse for his conduct. Thus cir-
cumstanced I have taken the liberty of sending you a
letter of attorney to Captain Cleaveland, who under
takes to deUver it himself, as he goes for Tobago via
Martinico. You have enclosed a copy of a list of debts

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 35

acknowledged, which I received from Mr. Ferguson,
when I saw you last at Orange Valley. You have also
a list of debts contracted with me together with Fergu-
son's receipt. And there remained a considerable prop-
erty unsold, besides some best Madeira wine which he
had shipped for London. By the state of accounts
which I sent to England, on my arrival in this continent
there was a balance due to me from the ship BeUey of
£909. ISs 3d. sterling, and in my account with Robert
Yoimg, Esq. 29 January 1773 there appeared a balance
in my favor of 281 Is 8d. Sterling. These sums exceed
my drafts and just debts together, so that if I am fairly
dealt with, I ought to receive a considerable remittance
from that quarter. You will please to observe, that
there were nine pieces of coarse camblets shipped at
Cork, over and above the quantity expressed in the bill
of lading. It seems the shippers finding their mistake
applied for the goods ; and as I have been informed from
Granada Mr. Feiguson laid hold of this opportunity to
propagate a report that all the goods which I put into
his hands were the property of that house in Cork. If
this base suggestion hath gained belief, it accounts for
all the neglect which I have experienced. But however
my connexions are changed, my principles as an honest
man of candour and integrity are the same; therefore
should there not be a sufl5ciency of my property in Eng-
land to answer my just debts, I decliu*e that it is my
first wish to make up such deficiency from my property
in Tobago; and were even that to fall short, I am ready
and willing to make full and ample remittances from
hence upon hearing from you the true state of my af-
fairs. As I hope my dear mother is still alive, I must
inform you that I wish my property in Tobago or in
England after paying my just debts to be applied for
her support. Your own feelings, my dear sir, make it
unnecessajy for me to use argument to prevail with you

36 JOHN PAUL JONES

on this tender point. Any remittances which you may
be enabled to make throu^ the hands of my good friend
Captain John Paliner of Cork, will be faithfully put into
her hands, she hath several orphan grandchildren to
provide for. I have made no apology for giving you
this trouble; my situation will I trust obtain your free
pardon. I am always with perfect esteem.

Dear sir.
Your very obliged, very obedient,

And most humble servant.

J. Paul Jones.
Stuart Mawet Esq.

Tobago.

The reasons for his penniless condition during nearly
all of this period of obscurity are here sufficiently ae-
coimted for in the evident dishonesty of the agent and
resident manager of his partner, Archibald Stuart,
in whose hands Jones had intrusted his share of the
ship and merchandise, but there is no hint as to
his whereabouts or occupation up to the time of his
forming his new connections with the American Gov-
ernment. The other reference is in a letter printed in
Force's " Archives ''; although brief, it is exceedingly
interesting in the indication it furnishes of the nature
of his occupation dming this time. It is dated the
18th November, 1776, when Jones was on board the
Providence f off the coast of Nova Scotia, on the sec-
ond of his independent and very successful cruises
against the British possessions in Canada. He writes
to Robert Smith, of Edenton, a partner of Joseph
Hewes in the ship-building business and the United
States prize agent of the State of Nortib Carolina. He

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 37

announces that he is sending a prize to him in recog-
nition of his gratitude to Joseph Hewes, and says: ^'I
have seen and do esteem yourself, but I knew your
brother James well when / was mysdf a son of fortune.'*
The unquestionable confession of some period of ad-
venture expressed in this phrase, and its significant
grouping of this brother and himself in a similar occu-
pation, of which he dares to speak on account of their
mutual knowledge of its character, is exceedingly sug-
gestive. What were they doing, these two intimate
friends, when both were " sons of f ortime ^'? . An answer
to this question exists and is contained in the printed
recollections of one Thomas Chase, a Massachusetts
sailor and privateersman, and afterward one of Jones's
seamen on the Alliance^ who dictated them to his grand-
son. These recollections, printed privately, were in the
possession of the daughter of Thomas Chase the third,
who took them down from the mouth of his grand-
father. The story that they tell runs thus:

In September 1773, two years before the breaking
out of the American Revolutionary War, the people liv-
ing near Holmes's Hole Martha's Vineyard, were aston-
ished to see a rather singular craft put into their port.
Martha's Vineyard is an island, forming the southeast-
em extreme of the state of Massachusetts, and Holmes's
Hole is its principal harbor. The vessel was a sharp,
rakish, clipper bxult craft, painted entirely black, with
no name whatever marked upon her. She carried three
long nine-pounders, which could be moved to any part
of her deck; one "long-tom" on a pivot and apparently
a full supply of small arms of every description. She
was a very fast sailor.

38 JOHN PAUL JONES

The crew seemed to consist of about forty men,
mostly Spaniards with a few Portuguese among them.
The captain announced himself aa Paul Jones/ and said
that as he was coasting along in the vicinity of Long
Island, New York, he had had an encounter with a
British craft which came very near taking him. Two
or three of his crew and one officer, had been wounded
in this encoimter, and the officer soon after died.
Whether the dying officer had requested to be buried
on land, or whether it waa merely Jones's wish to show
his dead officer this special attention, did not appear;
but he inquired whether he could find a man who could
make a coffin for the dead sailor, and said he wished to
give him a decent burial. He was directed to a stripling
of nineteen or twenty years of age, who had the repu-
tation of being unusually "handy with tools" and could
even accomplish wonders with a common jack knife and
a bit of wood. This youth's name was Tliomas Chase;
he was bom on the island, and was a direct descen-
dant of Thomas Mayhew, royal patentee and first Gov-
ernor of that and the adjacent islands. Young Chase
set about making the coffin, and while he was at work
on the gruesome task, had niunerous long conversations
with Jones who appeared to have taken quite a fancy
to the youth, and was very sociable and communicative.

At Captain Jones's request, the people of the Island
turned out in good niunbers to attend the stranger's
fimeral. Among the persons who attended that strange
funeral was a girl in her teens named Desu^ Luce. She
was then the sweetheart, and afterwards became the
wife of the youth who made the stranger's coffin. She
saw at the funeral and at several other times diuing his
few days stay on the Island, the "Captain Jones" who
was so frieniy with her sweetheart. "^Of course in the
unusual circumstances, the Captain was thoroughly

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 39

scrutinized, and every person present had a good chance
to form a deliberate opinion as to his personal appear-
ance. He stood about five feet six inches high; he was
stoutly built but not corpulent, and had a very broad
chest and shoulders, and arms unusually and noticeably
long for a man of his height. His weight was about one
hundred and seventy five pounds; he was remarkably
muscular, and seemed able to use almost all of his great
strength in his sword arm. His complexion had been
naturally light, but he was much weather-beaten at this
time, having been afloat, as he said, about seventeen
years, or ever since he was about fourteen years old.
He had the kind of hair which coimtry people call
"sandy," but which had been probably made lifter by
constant exposure to wmd and sunshine; his eyes were
bluish-gray. The muscles of his face were fum, giv-
ing great severity to his expression. Among his pe-
ciiharities was that of an uncommonly deep, strong,
resonant and powerful voice, of that peculiar canying
quality which made it distinctly audible, even in the
greatest noise and confusion.

Captain Jones remained several days on the Island
after the burial of his shipmate, and amused himself by
looking over the neighboring country and making sev-
eral guiming expeditions, in which he included yoimg
Chase, who proved a better shot than himself.

The Captain and his crew made some purchases dur-
ing their stay, paying duly for everything and con-
ducting themselves in a perfectly civil and inoffensive
manner, although Captain Jones told ybimg Chase in
private, that they were "a set of Spanish and Portugese
desperadoes." They were under excellent control how-
ever, and no one had any reason to complain of their
behaviour. He seemed never to try to keep a man who
wanted to leave him at any port. One of his crew at
this time, a Portugese who called himself ''Joe Fred-

40 JOHN PAUL JONES

erick'' as the nearest English approach to his name, de-
cided to remain on the Island, and did so, with his
captain's full consent. This man married there, and
after a long life of adventm^, for he later sailed again
with Jonefr--died there, and his widow lived to be over
ninety years old.

When Jones was ready to leave the Island, he en-
gaged an old pilot to help him over Nantucket Shoals,
young Chase accompan}ang. After two days, they
bade adieu to Jones with the best of feeling on both
sides, and when they last saw his vessel it was steering
north-easterly as if meaning to double Cape Cod. As
was afterwards learned, Jones soon returned to the
Spanish West Indies, then his headquarters.

Two years after this occurrence at the breaking out
of the American Revolution in 1775, young Chase
shipped on board one of the first privateers fitted out
by the Colonies. It chanced that within a few days,
this ship in a blistering fog almost ran into a strong
British man-of-war, was captured, and all her crew
taken prisoners and carried to Plymouth, England,
where in company with many other American prisoners
— ^there were over seven hundred of them in all — they
were held captive for more than two years. Then, by
an exchange of prisoners, they were Uberated and taken
to L'Orient, in France, whence they hop)ed to ship for
home. Here it happened, Paul Jones and young Chase
met again and instantly recognized each other, and
Chase shipped with Jones who was then in command
of the Bon Homme Richard and wished to fill his ship
with the liberated prisoners. Chase was in the fight
between the Bon Homm^ Richard and the Serapis, as
well as in many other engagements and knew Jones
perhaps, as well as did any other man who ever sailed
with him, as Jones appeared to have taken a special lik-
ing to him, telling him many personal details which he

PERIOD OP ADVENTURE 41

seemed to tell few others, and in two or three instances,
taking him on confidential expeditions, the details of
which he did not trust to the mass of his crew.

Although of a generally stem and surly aspect, Jones
had his seasons of friendly and confidential converse,
when he spoke freely of his earUer life and his later
adventures. The story he told of his childhood and
youth seemed recited in good faith, and was adhered to
with every appearance of veracity in all after allusions.
Jones is said to have told an altogether different story
to the American Authorities when he was seeking a
naval command; but whatever he said afterwards, or
whatever was said of him, it was evident that at this
time he really beUeved himself to be an illegitimate son
of the Earl of Selkirk, whose mansion was near White-
haven, on the west coast of Scotland, near the border
of England. He said that his first recollections were
of the servants' quarters in the Earl's establishment;
that he was called John Paul, and told that his father's
name was Paul. He also said that he was ignorant as
to the exact date of his birth.

Regarding his voyages in the slave-ships, Thomas
Chase's narrative again supplies some interesting in-
formation:

On his arrival at Corunna, he fell in with an associa-
tion of self-styled "merchants" and maritime rovers
and desperadoes, who obtained their Uving and wealth
by their lawless depredations on commerce, and whose
predecessors had sailed the vague "Spanish main" for
scores of years, and who, with their successors, con-
tinued to ravage the shipping of all commercial nations
until the dose of the Napoleonic wars.

Young as he was, he soon gained ascendency over
many of his associates who were older and more ex-

42 JOHN PAUL JONES

perienced in voyaging than himself, and before he was
twenty years old, he was offered the command of a ves-
sel to continue the same business, he of course to have
a much larger share of the profits than before.

These reminiscences of Jones's earlier life, with many
tales of stirring and dangerous adventure, were recited
by him to young Chase, in the bluff captain's seasons
of relaxation and social converse during their cruises
together. Some of them were also heard by three
other persons, who on one voyage all together, and on
others separately, sailed imder Jones. These three
men were Thomas Field, Joe Frederick, and John Terry;
this last was a boy bom in Annapolis, Maryland, who
served as a "powder-monkey" to Chase's gun, in the
Bon Homme Richard fight.

The remainder of Chase's narrative, which contains
an account of the Ranger's cruise and the descent upon
Saint Mary's Isle, possesses no value as historical ma-
terial, for the reason that he was during that time still
a prisoner in England, and being no longer an eye-
witness, relied for his statements on tradition and hear-
say reports from other seamen. The brief account of
the engagement with the Serapis, also contained in the
narrative, furnishes no new material except as it includes
some testimony in regard to Landais. Chase was on
board the Alliance in tlie famous battle, but sailed for a
short time under Jones when the latter took command
of that vessel. None of the somewhat confused recol-
lections of Chase's middle life, dictated when he was
about seventy years old, have the value possessed by
the early narrative, the details of which were impressed
upon the old seaman's memory with indelible vitality

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 43

and accuracy. He had a warm admiration and feeling
of personal friendship for Paul Jones, to which he tes-
tified up to the close of his long life. The recollections
as orally dictated by Chase to his grandson were pri-
vately printed by him for preservation, in the year
1859, at Chesterfield, Virginia.*

The conclusions in r^ud to the historical accuracy
of this narrative are highly favorable for the following
reasons: The name of Thomas Chase is not only found
in the roll-book of the Alliance, but the fact of his
service in the American vessel is indubitably attested
by the official records of the prize-money which was
awarded to him by Congress.

The grandson of Thomas Chase, who took down
these recollections from the lips of his grandfather, was
a Methodist minister and a member of the Maine
Methodist conference. In later life he read law and
became a member of the Franklin County (Maine) bar.
He was a lover of history, an accurate student, and an
absolutely reliable reporter of the facts.

The great-granddaughter of Thomas Chase was the
well-known writer, Elizabeth Akers,^ lately resident
in Tuckahoe, New York. Aside from the imques-

^ Copied of this rare pamphlet are preserved in the Harvard Library
and in the Newberry Library in Chicago.

* Mrs. Akers's verses are to be found in Griswold's and Stoddard's
collection of poetry, in Whittier's '* Three Centuries/' in Brsrant's " Po-
etry and Song/' in Longfellow's "Poems of Places/' and in Stedman's
"Anthology." She was the widow of Paul Akers, the Maine sculptor,
a sket-ch of whose life is to be found in H. T. Tuckerman's ''American
Artists." Mrs. Akers supplied the writer with the above information,
and stated that the facts as related by Thomas Chase to her father
were corroborated by Chase's widow, the Desir^ Luce of the narrative,
with whom she spent a summer in her early youth. Mrs. Akers died in
1911.

44 JOHN PAUL JONES

tionably reliable character of the individuals who
furnished and transmitted this information, another
and absolutely undeniable proof that Paul Jones act-
ually made this visit to Martha's Vineyard is found
in the fact that the Portuguese sailor who called him-
self Joe Frederick did not re-embark with Jones, but
remained on the island and shortly after married a
woman of that place. This woman never left the island,
and in her old age received, as his widow, prize-money
from the government for her husband's share in capt-
ures made during his subsequent services in the Amer-
ican squadron imder Paul Jones. In addition to this
fact, which is unexplainable except by the foregoing
narrative, we have Jones's own admission in the letter
to Robert Smith, of Edenton, that he, together with
James Smith, had been at one time a ^'son of fortune.''
There is also evidence of a fairly startling confirma-
tory character in another statement of Jones him-
self, made to Willie Jones, of North Carolina, when
he was a guest in the latter's home, "The Grove," near
Halifax, in the year 1775, that "he served his appren-
ticeship, in the African slave trade and later but under
duress, in a straight out Pirate ship, both of which he
thi^w up, as neither was congenial to his liking."
This statement, known to Major Enox, of Mecklen-
buig Coimty, Virginia, while he was also a guest
at "The Grove," was repeated by Knox in his old
age to Colonel Wharton Green,* ex-member of Con-
gress from North Carolina, and now residing at
Fayetteville, in that State. The statement, thus
directly transmitted through only one intermediary,

^Colonel Green died In 1910.

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 45

the author in a letter from Colonel Green. Colonel
Green had passed the age of eighty when he wrote the
letter^ and was himself a youth when he heard it from
Major Knox in his extreme old age. The combined
ages of the two men easily spans the time from 1775
to 1908, when Colonel Green recorded it, and the
presumption that it was transmitted correctly in prac-
tically Jones's own words is greatly increased by the
fact that it contained the expression ''under duress."
This expression, explanatory of Jones's presence on the
" Pirate " ship, referred without question to the fatal-
ity at Tobago, when he killed the leader of the mu-
tiny on board the Betsey^ an incident which was
entirely unknown to Colonel Green. Major Knox, a
member of a well-known Virginia family, belonged to
that class of perennial visitors in the hospitable homes
of the South dming the colonial period, and was ex-
ceedingly popular on account of his genial character
and his inexhaustible fund of anecdote. '' The Grove ''
was one of his favorite ''homes,'' and there he was
made acquainted with the facts and traditions of the
f amfly and its friends.

The probabilities in r^ard to this remarkable inci-
dent of Jones's descent upon Martha's Vineyard are
that when he fled in haste from the port of Roddey Bay,
after killing the mutineer, he "moimted his horse" and,
riding to the southern shore of the island, made his way
in some small boat to the neighboring island of Trini-
dad, which lies directly to the south of Tobago, only
fifteen miles away. Here, in Spanish territory, he
sought for an opportimity to get out of reach of the

46 JOHN PAUL JONES

dangers which so seriously threatened him, and, taking
the first chance which offered, shipped aboard a ''mer-
chantman'' and put to sea. The merchantman was
armed and manned with a crew of Spanish and Portu-
guese desperadoes, and, according to his own state-
ment, was really a pirate ship. Although by successive
agreements— the " Treaty of America," in 1670, and
that of Utrecht, in 1713 — strong efforts had been
made to wipe out piracy in the West Indies by the
various nations of Europe, it broke out again during
the maritime war between France and England, in
1740, and during the Seven Years' War, in which
England and France as well as Spain were embroOed,
their vessels attacked each other on the seas, and the
rich West Indian merchant-ships became a prey to
the commerce-destrojdng corsairs of all nations. By
the treaty of Paris, in 1763, which concluded the Seven
Years' War, an interregnum of peace b^gan which
lasted until the outbreak of the conflict between
England and her American colonies, in which France,
Spain, and the Netherlands were all again involved.
During the intervening years the world was supposed
to be at peace, but it was impossible entirely to con-
trol the piratical vessels which had so long been free
to roam the West Indian seas, and in those distant
waters they still carried on their lawless trade. The
long animosity of Spain against England was still ac-
tive, and the corsairs of that nation, although no longer
bearing the murderous character of their celebrated
predecessors who sailed the Spanish main, still attacked
British merchantmen whenever they fell in with them.

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 47

The corsairs of France were also in the habit of taking
defenceless American vessels coming from the French
ports in the West Indies as late as the year 1797, in
spite of the alliance of France with the United States.

When the general European war broke out again, in
consequence of the conflict between England and Amer-
ica, piracy became again increasin^y active, and con-
tinued to be practised by both French and Spanish ves-
sels up to the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
It was for many years connived at by the inhabitants
of the sea-coast towns of the Carolinas, and many re-
spectable colonists themselves indulged in the pursuit.
la the maritime colonies of the North the same leniency
prevailed, the descendants of the buccaneers finding it
no difficult matter to strike a baigain with the Engh'sh
Governor Fletcher, of old New York, who also per-
mitted the merchants of his own domain to make what
profit they could under what passed as the sanction of
law. This sanction the ships and captains of the col-
ony considered to be in force whenever England hap-
pened to be at war with France or Spain. The ship-
owners of New York were on such excellent terms with
the ''Red Sea men," as the rovers of the sea were called
in those days, that the pirate captain was a familiar
figure in the streets and often an honored guest at the
tables of the honest burghers. Many of the fortunes
amassed during the latter part of the seventeenth and
the beginning of the eighteenth centuries, not only in
New York, but in Philadelphia and Boston, had their
foundations in this pictiuesque trade.

The first American privateers who went to sea in

48 JOHN PAUL JONES

their own armed vessels at the b^giiming of the hostili-
ties against the mother country^ before the provincial
assemblies issued letters of marque^ were legally pirates,
and ran the risk of the ptmishment meted out to such
non-commissioned rovers of the sea. The American
Government did not scruple to accept the services of
the celebrated Lafitte in tiie defence of New Orleans
in 1815. Two years later a military force was sent
out to take possession of Amelia Island, the rendezvous
of the pirates on the coast of Florida. During the
years 1821 and 1822 as many as thirty-two Spanish
piratical vessels were taken by American ships in the
West Indian waters and off the coasts of Cuba, but,
on account of a pretended blockade established by
the Cuban authorities, American trading-vessels ac-
cused of violating it were captured with impunity by
the pirates, and the American commanders appealed
in vain for assistance to the Governor of Cuba in their
attempt to bring them to justice.

In December, 1822, the secretary of the navy recom-
mended to Congress that an important additional force
should be sent to bring an end to the outrages which
were committed against American commerce with the
connivance of the Cuban Government, and in the fol-
lowing year Captam David Porter made a desperate
attempt to track out and exterminate all piratical ves-
sels, not only in the Cuban waters, but in the Gulf of
Mexico and among the West Indian islands. He suc-
ceeded in obtaining the countenance and support of
the Governor of Cuba, who had been imable without
outside assistance to exercise the least control over the

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 49

pirates or the inhabitants of the island who were in
league with them. Although compelled to follow the
marauders among the reefs and inlets of the island
coastS; in open boats and barges, and into the noisome
jungleS; whither they took refuge, Porter and his effi-
cient subordinates finally succeeded in practically ex-
terminating them. At the end of a six months' cam-
paign, with a force decimated by yellow-fever and in a
dangerously reduced condition of health. Porter was
able to announce that ''no piratical vessel larger than
an open boat was left on the coast of Cuba or in the
Gulf of Mexico." The ship on which Paul Jones em-
barked in the year 1773 was of no inconsiderable size,
according to the description in Chase's narrative, and,
as its head-quarters were the Spanish West Indies and
it was manned with Spaniards, it was in all probability
one of the numerous ships belonging to Spanish sub-
jects which were still permitted to prey upon British
commerce in the distant waters of the western hemi-
sphere. No effectual measures were taken by the
Spanish court to restrain them at this period or even
later, when they attacked American vessels as well with
a persistency bom of long habit and the known con-
nivance of the govemors of the Spanish possessions
in the New World. It is highly improbable that Jones
was in command of the "privateer" or "merchant-
man" when he first went to sea.*
Canying only enough money for his inmiediate ne-

^ The several Spanish names for pirates, armed smugglers, and priva-
teers {piratoit eontrabandisUUt and ooncarioi) were used in ordinary
parlance by the Spaniards as qmonsrmous.

50 JOHN PAUL JONES

cessities, and compelled to conceal both his name and
history, he was in no position to demand the conmiand
of the ship or to ask unnecessary questions as to its
character or destination. It is probable, therefore, that
he first shipped in a subordinate capacity, perhaps as
mate, and that he became captain after the death of
the officer, who lost his life in the encounter with the
English ship off Long Island. The narrative of Thomas
Chase states that he announced himself as a ^'special
privateer," which was probably his way of admitting
that the vessel bore no letter of marque from the
Spanish Government. It is important to remember
the condition of public opinion during this centuiy
of almost universal warfare in regard to these private
commerce-destroying ships, and to recall that tiie dis-
tinction between pirate ships and privateers in those
days was extremely hazy.

After the close of the Revolutionaiy War, in 1784,
Franklin attempted to secure the adoption of articles,
to be signed by England and the United States, for
the discontinuance of privateering, which he declared
was a remnant of piracy and veiy bad for the morals
of his countrymen. Howsoever lax were the laws
against piracy, howsoever leniently and sometimes ad-
miringly it was regarded during those transition years
when '^might was still right" upon the high seas, Paul
Jones did not and could not remain in the hated
employment he had accepted in his emergency. It
was entirely characteristic that he should have made
no secret of the incidents of his life to the friends he
found in America, particularly in regard to his tempo-

PERIOD OF ADVENTURE 51

raiy and enforced activity in a contraband trade which
had been so long indulgently regarded by the well-
known inhabitants of the community, but it was also
highly characteristic that he should have inmiediately
abandoned it, as he had his service in the slave-trade,
in the revolt of a noble nature fitted for higher ends.

CHAPTER in

CHANGE OF NAME

It is impossible to approximate the date of Paul Jones's
arrival in America after his cruise in the Spanish ship.

We know from his own statement that the unfortu-
nate death of the mutineer was the cause which brought
him into the colonies, and we learn from his letter to
Franklin that his friends advised him to absent him-
self from Tobago until an admiralty court should be
appointed in the island. If we believe that his disgust
with the character of his employment probably caused
him to leave the vessel at the expiration of her first
cruise^ and if we remember that he was steering his
course toward the West Indies when he left Martha's
Vineyard; in September, 1773, it seems probable that he
arrived at the head-quarters of his ship somewhere about
November of this year, as the voyage on a sailing vessel
in those days took from a month to six weeks. Jones
now found himself again without emplojonent, and, de-
ciding to take refuge in North America, he made his way
to Edenton, a seaport on the coast of North Carolina,
the residence of his friend James Smith, hoping to
obtain from him the assistance and advice of which
he stood so much in need.

He did not dare to go to his brother in Fredericks-
burg, because he was forced to retain his incognito,
and dreaded a possible recognition from those whom he

52

CHANGE OF NAME 53

had known there in former years. As there is nothing
to indicate that he received any assistance at this
time, we must assmne that James Smith was absent
from Edenton and that Paul Jones now foimd him-
self in great distress. Nearly penniless and imable to
travel any distance from the sea-coast, he was forced
to seek an asylum in some retired spot not far from
Edenton, where, without news or remittances from his
friends, he was left to pine in the deepest loneliness, a
prey, as he bitterly expressed it, to ^^ melancholy and
want."

The probability that these are indeed the facts in
regard to this obscure period in Jones's life is greatly
increased by the first recorded testimony as to the
place where he was first seen after his arrival in
America as well as by his own references to this time
contained in the above-quoted letter to his friend in
Tobago. His early biographers were quite imable to
discover the identity of those strangers who assisted him
in his '^ extreme need,'' but a mass of tradition exists
which fiunishes full and credible information in regard
to them. The descendants of these benefactors have
fully t^tified to the manner in which Paul Jones was
aided and protected by their distinguished ancestors,
who belonged to the well-known Jones family of North
Carolina, and resided near Albemarle Sound, on the
same contraband coast where Jones landed in search
of his comrade James Smith.^

On a day in the early part of the year 1775, Willie
Jones came into the little town of Halifax, from his

* See Appendix C.

64 JOHN PAUL JONES

neighboring estate, and f oimd a young man sitting on
a bench in front of the tavern, who had eveiy appear-
ance of the greatest dejection. '^ What is your name? "
he asked him. '^ I have none/' was the answer. '^ Where
is your home?'' he asked. ^'I have none/' was again
the reply. He then entered into further conversation
with the stranger, and invited him forthwith to share
his home, which he declared was ''large enough for
both of them."' This dejected stranger was none
other than Paul Jones. Although several modem his-
torians of his career have been aware of the tradi-
tions which connected him with the well-known Jones
family of North Carolina, thqr have vainly sought for
some records in his papers which would confirm these
reports. The present writer, more fortunate in the
search, discovered, in the year 1906, the desired evi-
dence among Jones's MSS. in Washington, in the shape
of a letter from Doctor John E. Read, of Goochland
CJounty, "^rginia, written in the year 1778. It refers
to a period when they were both guests at Willie Jones's
place, "The Grove." The letter professes an enthusi-
astic admiration for Jones, expressed in the character-
istic phraseology of the period: /'Shall I tell you that
I had fears that my friend had foigot me; but those
fears were momentary and gave place to other feelings
when I reflected on the many sentimental hours which
passed between us at 'The Grove.'" This, then, was
the refuge which Paul Jones found in the hour of his
necessity. The man who so generously aided the home-

* His aooount is taken from the letter from Colonel Wharton Qreen
referred to above, pace 45.

CHANGE OF NAME 55

less and penniless stranger was a brilliant and power-
ful figure in the Revolution; whose services have been
strangely lost sight of in the fame of his greater con-
temporaries.

Willie (pronounced Wylie) Jones and his brother
Allen were the sons of Robert Jones^ the colonial agent
of the enormous estates of Lord Granville in North
Carolina. Until destroyed by Tarleton's soldiers, to-
ward the close of the war, the paternal home of Willie
and Allen Jones was the most splendid in the State.
It stood in what Robin Jones in his will described as
his ''Manor Plantation/' on the Occaneechey Neck in
North Hampton County, near Albemarle Soimd, in the
centre of a large tract of land by the side of the river
Roanoke. A veiy luxurious existence was established
in the beautiful wilderness, with its viigin forests and its
views of river and sea. The rich and powerful agent of
Lord Granville built a house of wide rooms and marble
staircases, filled it with English furniture and English
plate, dressed elegantly with diamond buckles at his
knees, drove out in a chariot, and at church was
followed by an attendant slave to carry his book of
prayer. As attorney-general to the province he attained
fame by his fluent oratory, and made the speech of his
life on the day he was compelled to suffer the amputa-
tion of his leg. The sons of this man were educated
at Eton, inherited position and ample f ortime, and be-
came each powerful and distinguished in his own way.
Allen Jones inherited the oratorical gifts of his father,
and was known also for his military services; but
Willie Jones was a practical statesman, and, according

56 JOHN PAUL JONES

to Moore^ the historian of North Carolina^ was to his
State what Jefferson was to Virginia. The homes of
the two brothers were situated a few miles distant from
each other. "The Grove" was near the southern
boimdary of the little town of Halifax; on the banks of
the Roanoke. Allen lived at " Mount Gallant/' on the
north bank of the river, at the head of the Roanoke
Falls. Both Allen and Willie carried on the traditions
of their father and entertained on their large estates
with lavish generosity.

Willie Jones was a warm advocate of Jefferson's
policy and the leading representative and mouth-piece
of the opinions and thou^ts of the whole colony. He
had been a member of the general assemblies of North
Carolina from 1770 until the year 1774. He was later
chairman of the provisional coimcil appointed by the
Continental Congress, and by this office was virtual
Governor of North Carolina. It was his hand and pen
which framed the State constitution of North Carolma,
and his overpowering influence in favor of the jealously
guarded States' rights which held back North Caro-
lina's ratification of the Constitution of the United
States in 1788.

A description of Willie Jones^ his personality and
political methods, written by the biographer of James
Iredell, a resident of Edenton, and afterward judge
of the Supreme Court, gives a vivid picture of this
attractive and powerful figure.

Willie Jones of Halifax was the most influential poli-
tician in the state. Ultra-democratic in theory, he was

CHANGE OF NAME 57

aristocratic in habits, tastes, pursuits and prejudices.
He lived sumptuously and wore fine linen. He raced,
hunted and played cards; he was proud of his wealth
and social position, and fastidious in the selection of
friends for his family. A patriot in the Revolution,
he was the acknowledged head of a great party. His
knowledge of human nature was consunmiate, and in
the arts of insinuation he was unrivaled. He had the
power of forecast and combination in an eminent de-
gree.

Though generally relentless and uncompromising as
a partisan, he had a generous heart. His time of ac-
tion was chiefly during the hours of adjournment; then
it was that he stimulated the passions, aroused the
suspicions, and moderated the ardor of his followers.
Then it was that, smoking his pipe, and chatting of
crops, ploughs, stocks, and dogs, he stole his way into
the hearts of the hon^ farmers.

This was Willie Jones as his contemporaries knew
him; a man of constructive and legal brain and of
great personal power and distinction. His adoption
of Paul Jones was unreserved and enthusiastic. His
'^ consummate knowledge of human nature," his "pow-
ers of forecast " recognized the unusual character of the
stranger he had befriended, and with the whole-hearted
kindness which characterized him, he rescued him from
his misfortunes and opened the way to complete re-
habilitation. No more striking proof could possibly
be asked of the extraordinary charm of Paul Jones's
personality than this experience, for although Willie
Jones's tastes were exceedin^y aristocratic and ex-
clusive, yet he welcomed him to the intimacy of his
home and to the carefully chosen circle of his friends.

68 JOHN PAUL JONES

Although married in the following year to Maiy
Montfort; the young dau^ter of his guardian, Willis
Jones was at this time keeping bachelor's hall at '^The
Grove/' Iredell's biographer informs us that having
refused to sell his racing stable of fifty blooded horses
at the demand of Miss Sukey Cornell, he lost this
yoimg lady and her large fortune. He was not only
leader of his State in all matters political, but the au-
thority on racing and all field sports. A one-mile race-
track ran through the estate, directly past the dining-
room, which occupied the back of the house. This room
had a high mantel reaching to the ceiling and wide
curved windows of English glass commanding a full
view of the coimse. Panelled drawing-rooms with large
fireplaces opened on either side of a central hall. A
flight of red sandstone steps led up to the pillared en-
trance, which was shaded by the many trees which gave
the name to the place, and which the master in his wiU
directed should be carefully preserved.

The proprietor of this hospitable mansion owned as
many as fifteen hundred slaves, who cultivated the gar-
dens and worked the looms and made the salt and
planted the tobacco and the various crops which grew
upon his fertile acres.

Across the river Allen Jones also kept open house for
all visiting friends and strangers, according to the cus-
tom of the day. He was aheady married, and his wife
was Rebecca Edwards, sister of the secretary of the
celebrated Governor Tryon. The historians of North
Carolina tell us that this lady's beauty was so dark and
striking that she was known as the Indian queen. She

^1

CHANGE OP NAME 69

was considered the most accomplished woman of the
province, and was remarkable for the elegance of her
manners and the ^' taste and beauty of her domestic ar-
rangements." Her youth had been passed in associa-
tion with the household of the tjrrannical but superb old
Governor Tiyon, at his palace at New Berne, built
from the revenues of the colony, and the most imposing
vice-r^al residence of the New World, There, in the
spacious ballroom, she had danced in the minuets and
gavottes which the governor and his lady loved to com-
mand and to witness from their exalted thrones. Such
was the life and such the customs which formed the
manners of the lady of ^' Mount Gallant.''

Her descendants have related that Paul Jones was
quite as favored a guest in her home as at '^The Grove,"
and that he was cared for dtuing an attack of typhoid
fever at "Mount Gallant." This house is now oc-
cupied in its decay by a descendant of Allen Jones's
house-keeper, and the room in which its celebrated in-
mate was nursed back to health is still pointed out to
curious visitors.

Both "Mount Gallant" and "The Grove" were cen-
tres of colonial hospitality, but Willie Jones possessed
a far more powerful individuality than his brother, and
it was imdoubtedly at his home that Paul Jones met
and mingled with the distinguished men of the province.
A later North Carolina chronicler writes:

It would be difficult to imagine a more brilliant and
attractive home than that of Colonel Willie Jones in
historic Halifax. It was like Monticello, the home of
his friend Thomas Jefferson, a home which, by the

60 JOHN PAUL JONES

magnetism of genius and high breeding, drew to its
cherishing hearthstone everything of wit, wisdom, and
cultured merit that came within reach, and which gave
out of aU these as freely and richly as it received.

In the pages of the State histories of North Carolina
are f oimd the names of the men who were Willie Jones's
friends and associates. Harvey, the great moderator,
who led the revolting colonists to defy the English gov-
ernor; Iredell, the distinguished jurist, and Caswell,
Hooper, and Hewes, the leading members of the colonial
assembly, were frequently entertained at "The Grove,''
and there discussed the vital questions which were stir-
ring them to the highest pitch of excitement.

Introduced by Willie Jones, the young stranger
played his part in all the merrymakings of the province,
and met on terms of equality those lovely women whose
patriotism and charming qualities were the favorite
themes of the State chroniclers. The two daughters
of Joseph Montfort, afterward Mrs. Willie Jones and
Mrs. Ashe, were particularly prominent among those
who sympathized with the Revolution. They were at
this time immarried, and the adornment of Montfort
House, which has been described as "a realm of maiden
beauty, a home of sparkling wit and innocent mirth,"
and where, without doubt, Willie Jones and his guests
were always welcome. But in spite of the gayeties and
distractions of this agreeable colonial society, liberty
was the universal theme, and plans for the enfranchise-
ment of the colonies were in every mind and on every
tongue.

The people of North Carolina had early enrolled

CHANGE OP NAME 61

themselves on the side of independence^ and Paul Jones
found himself in the centre of a very hot-bed of Revo-
lutionary activity. As eariy as October, 1774, seven
months before the defiant farmers of Mecklenburg had
been aroused to the point of signing their declaration
of independence, nearly two years before Jefferson
penned the immortal declaration, and soon after the
more celebrated Boston tea-party, the women of Eden-
ton also had a tea-party, at which they pledged them-
selves to refrain from drinking the tea which had been
taxed by the mother country. Paul Jones responded
to these ideas with all the enthusiasm of his nature, and
swore allegiance to the cause of his benefactors. The
extraordinary contrast of his present situation with the
period of darkness and overwhelming misfortime from
which he had just emerged reacted upon his mind in a
manner natural to a man of such qualities and endow-
ment.

He was yet unconscious of the fact that he possessed
the glorious but perilous attributes of genius. In mis-
fortime such as descended upon his soul after the death
of the mutineer, and in the long months of penury which
followed his abandonment of the hated employment
which he had adopted ''under duress,'' he had sunk
into a condition of dangerous melancholy. In the asso-
ciation with sympathetic minds such as he encountered
while under the protection of his generous benefactor,
his highly imaginative intellect f oimd new channels of
expression in ''free thoughts" and plans for splendid
achievement. The most sympathetic trait in the
character of this remarkable man is the childlike candor

62 JOHN PAUL JONES

of his attitude toward all who ever loved or compre-
hended him. It haa been seen how courageously he
bore the obloquy which followed the death of Mungo
Maxwell and to what an extent he was physically af*
f ected by the torment of this experience while yet in his
very early youth. Now he was delivered from another
period of misfortune, emerging from darkness into light
imder a new name, to new life and hopes. Still yoimg
and full of strength, with his incomparable powers fresh
and imimpaired, he realized the opportimities offered
him in the New World and adopted the cause of hmnan
liberty. Although he had shown skill, application, and
ambition in his chosen career dtuing the years of his
boyhood and early youth, under the influences which he
now encoimtered his character took its final and definite
shape, and a new incentive and impetus was given to the
development of his ambition. In the roving sailor's life
he had led since his earliest childhood he had never had
any associations comparable to those he now enjoyed
at "The Grove." Here, indeed, was a society far other
than that he had known in his narrow Scottish home,
different far from that he found in his brother's little
shop in Fredericksburg, heaven itself in comparison to
the long months on West Indian trading-ships in turbu-
lent companionship with brutal and mutinous sailors.
Those who would seek the source of the passion for
distinction now bom in the mind of Paul Jones will
readily find it in his determination to surmoimt the
humble and doubtful conditions of his birth, and the
lowering influences of his recent occupations with their
sinister consequences, by the exercise of his powers in

CHANGE OP NAME 63

a new and honorable field. The gratitude which he
bore his benef actors, coinciding with his warm sympa-
thy for the cause in which they were engaged, were the
reasons which he assigned for becoming an American,
and these sentiments sprang from the singular ideality
and freshness of feeling which marked his character.
This ideality, in striking contrast with his virile intel-
lect and inflexible strength of will, was highly sympa-
thetic with the sentiment of the period.

It is not surprising that he should have desired to
express his recognition of the incalculable benefits he
had received in this time of his extreme need in some
significant and unusual form. That expression, accord-
ing to the traditions of the descendants of his benefac-
tors, was found in his adoption of their name. The
story current in the North Carolina Jones family nar-
rate that when the time came to leave the hospitable
doors of "The Grove,^' Willie Jones offered him a purse,
which he refused, asking only for the privilege of adding
the name of his benefactors to his own. The reason he
is reported to have given was that "he had no name of
which he could be proud,'' and he is again reported to
have said that "if he Uved he would make them proud
of it.'' 1

From this time on he used the name of John Paul
with the added cognomen of Jones. The letters be-
longing to the period immediately succeeding his adop-
tion of the name and which pertain to the first years
of his service in the American navy are all signed
J. P. Jones. His use of only the initials of his original

> SUtomentfl in Colonel Green's letters to the author. See page 45.

64 JOHN PAUL JONES

name in this new signature would seem to indicate his
willingness at this time to permit his identity to pass
lumoticed. In later years he signed his name in full,
and finally, after he had made it famous, he dropped
the first name, and used simply Paul Jones upon his
visiting cards.

The time passed in association with these dis-
tinguished people of North Carolina may well be con-
sidered the critical period in his history. With the
same assimilative genius which gathered an education
unusual in those times from the very air about him,
Paul Jones quickly adopted the manners of the gentle
people he was so fortunate to meet at this period of his
career. They formed his standards of true gentility
and fitted him to shine in the salons of Versailles.
From this time on we begin to see the Paul Jones of
history — ^the courteous and chivalric gentleman, the
heroic champion of human Uberty. No longer living
for himself except as he might win glory in battle, he
was ready to give up every youthful dream and life it-
self in the service of America. The son of the Scotch
gardener, the captain of West India trading-ships and
slavers, in a few weeks experienced this truly remarka-
ble metamorphosis.

The fashioning of this weapon to be used in the es-
tablishment of the principle of human liberty, then the
imiversal preoccupation of the world, is a striking ex-
ample of the resistless progress of civilization, the in-
evitable working out of the mysterious plan of human
development. The active agent in this extraordinary
development of the potentiality of Paul Jones was again

CHANGE OP NAME 65

ihedeusexmachinaiaihe train of events which brought
those potentialities into activity^ for it was Willie Jones
who introduced him to Joseph Hewes, who was one of
the three members of the Continental Congress from
North Carolina, and of great influence in the coimcils
of the new nation.

Joseph Hewes was a partner in the ship-building trade
of the Robert Smith whose brother James, Paul Jones
had hoped to find when he first took refuge in the col-
onies of North America; but in the absence of James
Smith, Jones was in no position to introduce himself to
his influential brother or his partner, and later became
known to them both under the auspices of his opulent
and beneficent host and patron. Dining the autumn
of 1774 Hewes was absent in Philadelphia attending
the first session of the Continental Congress held in that
city, but he returned to his home in Edenton in the be-
ginning of the winter, and dining the agitated months
which preceded the open outbreak of hostilities between
England and her colonies he was in constant attendance
at the meetings of the North Carolina assembly and
in daily association with the leading politicians of the
State. Already deeply interested in maritime affairs,
as the builder and owner of ships, he was destined to be
an exceedingly important factor in the oiganization of
the navy of the United States. The friendship and
warm admiration which he immediately conceived for
Paul Jones was of invaluable service to the man who
was now filled with a burning desire to be of service to
his adopted countiy. The relation between the two
men immediately became exceedin^y close and even

66 JOHN PAUL JONES

affectionate. Paul Jones informed Hewes without de-
lay of the unfortunate incidents in his history, and waa
rewarded for his frankness and confidence by a protec-
tion no less warm than it waa effectual.

While without the aristocratic background or poUti-
cal skill of Willie Jones, Hewes had a constructive and
powerful mind and the most faithful heart that ever
beat for friend or country. Bom of a sturdy family of
Connecticut Quakers who were driven by Indian mas-
sacres into New Jersey, he waa educated at the schools
of Princeton and early apprenticed to a counting-house
in Philadelphia. Released from his indentiuBS, he em-
barked in business as a ship-owner, and, having soon
acquired a comfortable fortune, removed at the age of
thirty to the little town of Edenton, doubtless on ac-
coimt of its advantages aa a port for the West Indian
trade.

Edenton, although a small commimity, was at that
time the capital town of the province and the residence
of the royal governor, Samuel Jdmson. The recollec-
tions of its early residents describe it as a blest abode,
favored by nature and the delightful character of its
society. A fertile clearing by the blue bay-side, sur-
roimded by forests, bird-inhabited, rich with himging
grape-vines and fragrant with every Southern bloom,
this virgin region was given its name from the colo-
nial governor, Eden, and during the pre-Revolutionary
period was considered the court end of the province.
There was no better society in all the colonies than
that which existed in and about this little town. High
ability, noble birth, a sunple yet elegant mode of life;

CHANGE OP NAME 67

warm afiFections, earnest ambitions; all these were
found among the distinguished people who met in easy
Southern friendliness and the enthusiasm of rising par
triotism around the hearth fires and on the wide piazzas
of happy Edenton.

Samuel Johnson, its first citizen, and governor of the
province, descended from a noble family in Scotland,
was a power not only in the colonial but also in the
Revolutionary period, and was associated with all the
great men of the coimtry. He brought with him all
the English fashions and entertained many people of
title and importance at his home. This beautiful
house, which set the fashion of architecture for the col-
ony, was named "Hays," from the home of Sir Walter
Raleigh, in England, and still stands on an eminence
in the midst of its formal gardens overlooking the bay
of Edenton, a crescent of water rivalling in beauty the
bay of Naples. In the vicinity lived Sir Nathaniel
Dukenfield, the great James Iredell, called by Wash-
ington to the Supreme Court of the United States be-
fore he was forty, and other men of importance. Into
this charmed circle Joseph Hewes was soon admitted.
He was said to have a most "unusual amenity of man-
ner," and became immediately, in spite of his Quaker
birth and bringing-up, a loved and popular member of
Edenton society. When Iredell arrived from his home
in England to take up his residence in Edenton, he sent
back to his relatives his impression of Hewes: "I must
say there is a gentleman in this town who is a particu-
lar favorite of mine. His name is Hewes. He is a mer-
chant here; and our member for this town, the patron

«8 JOHN PAUL JONES

and the greatest honor to it. About six or seven years
ago he was within a few days of being married to one
of Mr. Johnson's sisters, who died rather suddenly, and
this unhappy circiunstance for the time embittered
every satisfaction in life to him. He has continued
since unmarried, which I believe he will do. His con-
nection with Mr. Johnson's famfly is just as if he had
really been his brother-in-law, a circumstance which
mutually does honor to them both.'' This little account
tells a story of faithful attachment and of qualities of
character both firm and lovable.

Joseph Hewes was never an articulate force in the
councils of the new nation, but no one of the great
men who established American independence did more
essential work in organization. At every step in the
history of North Carolina his name appears. He was
member of the general assemblies of the colony from
1766 to 1770, one of the conmiittee which called the
Independent Congress of North Carolina at New Berne,
a member of the secret conmiittee of correspondence,
and delegate to the first Philadelphia Congress. He
was not only a signer of the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, but it was he who cast the deciding vote of North
Carolina which determined the adoption of that im-
mortal document. "You know," wrote John Adams
to Jefferson, "that the unanimity of the states finally
depended on the vote of Joseph Hewes." Elsewhere
he wrote: "One day while a member was producing ar-
guments to show that the general opinion of all the col-
onies was for independence, and among them North
Carolina, Hewes, who has hitherto constantly voted

CHANGE OF NAME 69

against it, stood suddenly upright and lifting both hands
to Heaven cried out, 'It is done and I will abide by it/
I would give more for a perfect painting of the terror
and horror upon the face of the old majority at that
critical moment; than for the best piece of Raphael."

In the already quoted life and correspondence of
James Iredell there are frequent references to ''Mr.
Hewes plajdng backgammon at Homblower's Tavern/'
"Mr. Hewes making the responses at the Episcopal
Chiuxsh at Edenton/' and on one occasion arguing on
religious questions in a manner quite surprising to his
interlocutors. His was a nature anchored by heredity
to the strictest rules of conduct and responsibility, but
by his unusual mental endowment eager to welcome
every sign of freedom in religious thought, every hope
of liberty for his country, every ardent quality in a
friend.

Paul Jones was exactly the man to have attracted
this emancipated Quaker, and there was another very
cogent reason for their intimacy in the fact that Hewes
was an owner of vessels in the West Indian trade and
f oimd Jones's long experience in this service a basis for
sympathetic companionship.

It is no difficult task for the imagination to picture
Hewes, as Iredell often described him, strolling down
through the wide, tree-shaded main street of Edenton
from his house to his wharf in company with Paul Jones,
while they discussed matters connected with the West
Indian trade or the far more enthralling questions of
that remarkable time. Hewes seems to have recog-
Jones's capacity from the very first moment of

70 JOHN PAUL JONES

their acquaintance, and realized what services he might
render to the cause of the colonists in the conflict which
was now so imminent.

Paul Jones was probably quite di£ferent at this time
from the rough Captain who descended in the "Pirate''
ship upon the island of Martha's Vineyard. The open-
air exercise of the hunting and riding commmiity of
North Carolina had probably given him that shght and
graceful figure of which all his later biographers have
written. The well-known bust by Houdon, made a few
years later, was pronounced by both Madison and Jef-
ferson to be wonderfully faithful. It is an excellent
example of that great sculptor's minute observation and
expression of character. It shows the face of the true
filter, and bears the characteristic marks of the sailor,
showing both candor and courage. The brow is fine in
shape, compact and symmetrical, differing much from
the high dome of the all-knowing Franklin. The Ups
in the bust are very beautiful, symmetrically revealing
the innately aristocratic personality, finely cut and very
firm. The eyes in the marble do not reveal the blaze
which reflected the inner fires. The portrait by Peale
reproduces this trait, mingled with a strange look of
wildness, a fawn-like glance of inquiry, youthful and
naive. It is recorded that his lips could assume the
curve of ironical superiority, but that their smile was in-
finitely engaging. Various witnesses speak of his grace
and ease of gesture. His face was stem and grave, in-
deUbly marked by the suffering of his early years, and
tanned by tropic suns. He could have differed UtUe at
this time from the Paul Jones whom John Adams met in

CHANGE OP NAME 71

Europe four years later, and whom, aa an officer ap-
pointed from the South, the stanch New England par-
tisan regarded with suspicion. ^'This is the most in-
triguing officer in the American navy," wrote Adams.
'^Eccentricities and irregularities are expected of him,
they are in his character, they are visible in his eyes.
His voice is soft and still and small. His eye has keen-
ness and wildness and softness in it.'' Although he did
not fail to recognize and acknowledge his later im-
portance, Adams never understood the character of
Paul Jones; but the picture thus presented, with a few
strokes of a remarkably observant and vivid pen, fur-
nishes a unique impression of Jones's expression and
manner, the ringing ''vox ferrea" of the conunander
tuned to a low gentleness, the keenness and wildness of
the eyes of genius, uncontrollable and not to be dis-
guised. This was the striking personality which now
emeiged from nameless obscurity to play an extraordi-
nary r61e in the fortunes of America.^

iHerman Melyille, in "Israel Fottet: His Fifty Years of Exile,"
publiidied in New York in 1865, contributes an imaginative picture of
Jones, which follows the prevailing traditions of his character and ap-
pearance. ''He was a rather small, elastic, swarthy man, with an as-
pect as of a disinterested Indian Chief. An unvanquishable enthusi-
asm, intensified to perfect sobriety, couched in Us savage self-possessed
eye. A wonderful atmoe];^ere of proud f riendlpSss and scornful isola-
tion invested him. A cool solemnity of intrepidity set on his lip. He
looked like one who on purpose sought out harm's way. He looked like
one who never had been and never would be a subordinate."

C5HAPTERIV
BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY

AccoBDiNG to the statements of all of Paul Jones's
early biographers, he went, ''about the year 1773, to
Fredericksbuig, to administer upon the estate of his
brother Willi^n, who had died intestate, and without
chfldren.'^ In a note in the ''Life" of her uncle which
she caused to be compiled by Robert Sands, Miss Tay-
lor states that "He had recovered, as I know from the
best sources, several thousand pounds from the wreck
of his brother's fortime in Vii^ginia."

These authoritative statements by his family have
lately been proved to be entirely incorrect. William
Paul did not die intestate, for his will, duly recorded,
has been found in the court-house of Spottsylvania
Coimty, Virginia, where Fredericksburg is situated.
His death did not occur in 1773, as all these biographers
agree in stating, but in the foUowing year, as is proved
by the inscription on his tombstone, which still exists
in a church-yard in Fredericksbuig, bearing his name
and the year of his death, 1774. As already set forth
in a preceding chapter, it is clear that Paul Jones did
not seek his brother in Fredericksbuig when he first took
refuge in the Southern colonies, for fear of being recog-
nized, and this assumption is greatly strengthened by
the obvious fact that this brother, whose house was his
home in earlier days, had rendered him no assistance

72

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 73

during the whole period of 'Hwenty months" in which
he was left to pine in penury and seclusion. This
period is easily defined as that which intervened be-
tween June; 1773, when he was compelled to fly from
Tobago, and January, 1775, when he was so fortimate
as to meet Willie Jones.

In the spring of 1775, when his apprehensions of
troublesome consequences from the occurrence in To-
bago had been allayed by the closing of the ports be-
tween the rebellious colonies and the West Indian
possessions of Great Britain, as well as by the protec-
tion afforded him through the open and authorized
adoption of the name of his benefactors, he determined
to seek his brother, and journeyed to Fredericksbuig
for that purpose. He foimd that William Paul was
dead, and, as the two executors appointed imder his
will had refused to act, that one John Atkinson had
been appointed administrator, having given bond in
the sum of five himdred pounds. The present clerk of
Spottsylvania Coimty, at the request of a late investi-
gator,^ has stated that no record exists in his office of
the distribution of the estate. Miss Taylor's state-
ment that her imcle had recovered a certain amount
from the "wreck" of William Paul's estate might indi-
cate that the administrator appointed by the court
made an imwise or improper disposition of the prop-
erty, and that comparatively little was left for Paul
Jones to recover.*

> The Rererend Cyrus Townsend Bndy.

* A tablet erected in the year 1910 by the Betty Waahmgton Lewis
Chapter of the Daughters c^ the ReyohitiQiii upon the house m whidi
William Paul resided in Fredericksburg, bears the following inscription:

74 JOHN PAUL JONES

In this connection it is singular to note that in the
letter to Franklin, which otherwise partakes largely of
the nature of a confession^ and apology for the obscure
acts of his life, he should have mentioned the sending to
his family of remittances arising possibly from the pro-
ceeds of this estate, more especially as further reference
in the same letter would seem to indicate that he had
done eveiything possible for them. He states that dur-
ing the time when he still felt that he should conceal his
whereabouts from his family in Scotland he had en-
deavored to watch over the happiness of his poor rela-
tions, unseen. "For that purpose/' he wrote, "I sent

"this tablet marks the only HOIIB IN AMBBICA OF JOHN PAXIL
JONES. HE WAS APPOINTED A LIEUTENANT IN THE CONTINEN-
TAL NAVT WHILE STILL A RESIDENT OF YIRQINIA."

A oommunication from Fredericksburg to the New York Sun of April
11, 1911, oontains a letter from Francis Brooke, brother of Doctor Law-
rence, who was the surgeon on the Bon Homme Richard :

St. Julien. June 26, 1838.
Mt Dear Sir.

I have received your letter from Bichmond. All I remember of John
Paul Jones I heard from my brother Dr. Brooke, who was the surgeon
of the Bon Homme Richard the whole of her oeldbrated cruize. I think
Iitemember to have seen him when very young in 1773. I was at school
in Fredericksburg and William Paul was a Scotch tailor who made my
clothes. On his death John came to Fredericksburg to administer on
his property. I then saw him in the shop when I went for my dothes.
On seeing his picture years after I remembered this. It is a mistake
that his brother was a merchant. I do not think he remained long in
Fredericksburg. The next year, I think, he was employed in the navy.

Yours very sincerely.

Francis T. Brooke.
€ren liniliam Lambert. Bichmond.

Mr. Brooke's recollection of dates is inaccurate. Paul Jones could
not have come to Fredericksburg in 1773 to administer upon his
brother's estate, because William Paul did not die until the following
year. Mr. Brooke probably followed the statemaits contained in the
early biographies of Jones as to the date of his visit to Fredericksburg.

^ Letter to Franklin, March 6, 1779. Appendix B.

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 75

them vajious little remittances (bills) from America, in
trust to a very worthy friend, Captain Plaince, of Cork,
to be applied to their use without their having the pain
of knowing from whence; but to my great sorrow I
found that they had all miscarried, the letters that con-
tained them having been sunk and the rest taken on the
passage.'' During the period of the war all communica-
tion was so slow and precarious that it is not surprising
that he was entirely uncertain of being able to com-
municate with his family at all, and that he himself re-
mained for several years ignorant of their condition or
whereabouts.

It is interesting to observe that for some time after
he dared to appear openly imder his new name in Amer-
ica he feared to furnish information of his whereabouts
to any but his trusted ag^t in Great Britain; receiv-
ing no reply from Captain Plaince and no notice that
the drafts upon his account had been presented, he
waited until the spring of the year 1777 before he again
attempted, through another agent, to send money to
his family. Even at that time he was still ignorant as
to whether his mother was alive, but directed the whole
amoimt of his recovered property at Tobago to be ap-
plied to her support and that of her grandchildren, an
amount at least equal to any sums that may have been
due them from his brother's estate.

Doctor Read, who was in Jones's confidence during
the whole period of his residence in the South, and with
whom he was in close conmiimication during the period
when he was occupied in settling his brother's estate,
has supplied an important indication as to his atti-

76 JOHN PAUL JONES

tude in regard to the obscure question of his dispo-
sition of this property. As Doctor Read's letters are
the sole source of information in regard to this time,
and as he was an entirely req)ectable and credible wit-
ness, his statements should be r^arded with confidence.
Writing in the year 1778, and recalling the time when
they were both out of pocket, he complains that he is
still ^'in sour misfortune's books," but congratulates
Jones upon the improvement of his financial condition,
saying: '^You once more, and I want words to con-
gratulate you on the subject, taste the pleasure of af-
fluence, and taste it with the feelings that do not ac-
company the generality of mankind, a nice sentiment
of honor and the sure tho' slow reward of merit."

Various speculations in ship supplies and real estate,
for which Jones had evinced marked aptitude, were the
sources of this improved condition, references to which
we find in letters to Robert Smith which pertain to this
period. He had made no use of the proceeds of the
property which he had recovered from his investments
in Tobago, for, as we have seen, he sent the whole
amount of this to his family. A few months after the
writing of the letter in which he directed the forward-
ing of these sums, at the moment of his departure from
America on the Ranger, in the autiunn of 1777, he
made a will in which he bequeathed to his mother and
sisters the proceeds of his later investments, represent-
ing the whole amoimt of his fortune.

Doctor Read again furnishes very interesting infor-
mation as to their occupations during Jones's visit to
him in Virginia, which immediately followed his depart-

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 77

ure from North Carolina. Read lived in Goochland
County; which lies just south of the county of Spott-
sylvania; where Fredericksburg is situated, with only
Hanover County Ijring between. Thus we have a pict-
ure of Paul Jones riding through the vallejrs of Virginia
during the spring of 1775, having presumably finished
his busmess in IVedericksburg, and turning southward
to join the friend who was eagerly awaiting him. With
a mind quickened by new enthusiasms, and a person-
ality which always attracted affection whenever he
cared to inspire it, the young Paul Jones was now as-
sociated for the first time in his life with women of
birth and charm. The worid was '^at the spring" for
him, and in the South, where he had found friends and
new ambitions, he planned and talked of spending the
remainder of his days.

It was at this time that he fixed upon ''his chosen
scheme of life in the country of his fond election," and
had visions of that ''domestic happiness," which he
relinquished, as he often protested, "to restore peace
to mankind." His later frequent and definite references
to his "prospect of domestic happiness" ^ indicate that
he had fallen seriously in love at this time and that his
affections were returned. The truth of this assumption
is proved by a statement, made in the biography pub-
lished in Edinburgh in the year 1830, based on infor-
mation and documents f imiished by his family, that
about the time "when he entered the Navy, Paul Jones
formed an ardent attachment for an American lady.
Their affection was mutual, but circumstances forbade

« Letter t4> Udy SeDdrk, May 0, 177S.

78 JOHN PAUL JONES

their union; and from this time he formed the resolution
of never marrying," In a letter from Doctor Read; who,
as has been seen, was Jones's confidant and constant
companion during his sojourn in Virginia, the identity
of his sweetheart is revealed in Bead's significant con-
clusion that Jones would never carry out his intention
of settling in Virginia in view of the lady's marriage to
another. It is somewhat surprising to learn that she was
probably the brilliant young beauty, Dorothea Spotts-
wood Dandridge, granddaughter of the great Governor
Spottswood and own cousin of Martha Washington, who
afterward became the bride of Patrick Henry. "You
tell me," Read wrote, ''you are under some expectation
of purchasing a Virginia estate, but some more agreeable
idea will I fear call you off and deprive us of you. Miss
Dandridge is no more, that is, she a few months ago
gave herself into the arms of Patrick Henry."

This yoimg lady lived in her father's house in Han-
over Coimty, near "Mount Brilliant," the home of
Patrick Henry's father, and also adjoining "Scotch-
town," a large mansion, afterward the childhood home
of Dolly Madison, where Henry was at that time living
with his first wife, whom he had married at the early
age of eighteen. In the year 1778, when this letter of
Doctor Read was written, Paul Jones had been for three
years away from Virginia, completely absorbed in the
thrilling adventures of his career in the Revolutionary
War. At the time when he knew Miss Dandridge, in
1775, she was a girl of nineteen, and the man who was
to be her husband was already married, twice her age,
and possessing not only a wife but a f amOy of six chil-

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 79

dren. Whatever the circumstances may have been
which forbade her miion with Paxil Jones, it is clearly
evident from the reasons later assigned by him that
the overpowering motive which drew him away from
Virginia was the desire for distinction, to which the in-
terests of his heart were ever subordinated. He was
not in a position to marry at this time, fame and f ort-
mie were still to win, and it is highly probable that
the aristocratic family of his sweetheart looked coldly
upon their young daughter's love for the attractive
stranger of obscm^ origin who had appeared in their
midst. Thus the prospective hero, listening to war's
alarms, relinquished the '' softer affections of his heart "
and dedicated himself to the cause of his adopted coim-
try. He became an enthusiastic participant in the
colloquies of excited Viiginians who met at Fredericks-
buig, bringing the news of the risings and demonstra-
tions which spread throughout the surrounding coun-
ties. Double relays of couriers brought the news
from the other rebellious colonies, and the militia were
assembling at town-halls and churches from one end of
the coimtry to the other. Hand-bills and memorials
were posted at every convenient spot, and in March of
this year Patrick Heniy made his daring and immortal
speech demanding "liberty or death."

Jones met both Henry and Jefferson at this time,
through Read's introduction, and their mutual ac-
quaintance with the Dandridges, at whose house in
Hanover County both Henry and Jefferson were con-
stant visitors.^

^ Letters from Read to Jones belonging to this period contain mes-
sages to J^erson.

80 JOHN PAUL JONES

In May a new session of Congress was assembled in
Philadelphia^ and Paul Jones made haste to f oUow his
friend Hewes to the seat of government. He was now
at the veiy door of Congress^ awaiting with impatience
the formation of the navy, which by the middle of the
smnmer was being considered by the members of that
body. It was small wonder that he forgot his dream of
happiness and that the memory of his Virginia sweet-
heart faded from his mind ; for the Revolution was now
fairly wider way, and the idea of independence was
openly discussed and contemplated.

Five months had passed since Lexington, but three
since Bunker Hill; Falmouth had already been ruth-
lessly destroyed by British ships, and indignation was
at white-heat. Washington had but lately assumed
command of the army, and the time was at hand for
the formation of a fleet. Paul Jones, enjo3ring an in-
timate and daily association with his powerful friend
Joseph Hewes, had not long to wait for the oppor-
tunity for distinction which he so ardently desired.
The first naval committee was appointed as the result
of the desire of Congress to intercept the transports
laden with military stores for the British army. Con-
siderable discussion had already taken place in regard to
the advisability of providing a force for this piupose
at government expense.

On the receipt of the news that two transports, en-
tiiely unarmed and richly laden with military suppUee,
were en route from Quebec, Congress on October 5 pro-
ceeded to a serious consideration of the question, and
after long and heated discussion a small committee,
consisting of ^ilas Deane, of Coxmecticut, John Lang-

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 81

doii; of New Hampshire; and Christopher Gadsden,
of South Carolina, was appointed to look into the
matter without delay. The necessity of haste being
obvious, the committee reported on the same day, with
the result that Washington was requested to bor-
row two of the cruisers belonging to the State of
Massachusetts. Two days before the appointment
of this committee the del^ates from Rhode Island,
in accordance with instructions issued in August by
the assembly of that Colony, recommended a much
broader action: the formation of a fleet for national
defence. On the 7th of October the resolution was
discussed, and, although it was decided to postpone
definite action until the 16th, the question of purchas-
ing ships at government expense was now fairly before
the members. The debate was conducted by the ven-
erable Stephen Hopkins, long governor of Rhode Is-
land, Silas Deane, afterward American conmussioner
to France, John Rutledge, Gadsden, the Reverend
Doctor Zobly, of Georgia, and John Adams, of Mas-
sachusetts. The whole day was given up to the dis-
cussion, and it is evident, from the length of time
which it consumed, that it deserved the description of
the usual Congressional debates as written by Adams in
a letter to his wife:

There is in Congress a collection of the greatest men
upon this continent, in point of abilities, virtue and
fortime. Every man in it is a great man, an orator,
a critic and a statesman and therefore eveiy man upon
every question must show his oratory, his criticism and
his political abilities.

82 JOHN PAUL JONES

The Bhode Island proposition met with the strongest
opposition, some of the members declaring it '^the
maddest idea in the world" and insisting that the bufld-
ing of a navy would ^'mortgage the whole continent."
But AdamS; plying as usual the laboring oar, sustained
the action for hours against ^Hime and tide/' with the
result that the decision of merely borrowing ships from
Massachusetts was altered to a resolution of instruc-
tions to the committee to look into the matter of the
purchase of war-ships for the government. Following
the committee's report, Congress, on the 13th, passed
a resolution to order the immediate purchase of two
swift sailing-vessels, one of ten and the other of fourteen
guns, to cruise to the eastward for the purpose of inter-
cepting the English forces in Boston. With the pass-
ing of this resolution the American navy was founded.
The Lexington and Reprisal were immediately pur-
chased and the process of their equipment b^un. On
the 30th of October the original committee of three was
increased to seven, including John Adams, Stephen
Hopkins, Joseph Hewes, and Richard Henry Lee, and,
two large ships of thirty-six and twenty guns having
been ordered, the Alfred and the Cohmibw were added
to the infant fleet. On the 13th of December Con-
gress ordered thirteen ships of war, and followed this
action by increasing the naval committee again, so as
to contain a member for each colony. A few days
more of this active deliberation culminated in the
formal appointment of a commander-in-chief of the new
navy, four captains, and a list of first, second, and third
lieutenants.

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 83

Before this formal action on the part of Congress as
a body, Washington, by virtue of his authority as
commander-in-chief of the army, had issued several
commissions to small ships, giving their commanders
instructions to cruise about Massachusetts Bay in order
to intercept British transports. Captain John Manly,
commanding the Lee, was the first to sail under an order
of this kind from Washington, and during a period of
six weeks, beginning with the end of November, 1775,
he succeeded in captiuing four of these provision ships
and in getting his prizes safely into port.

The colonial assembly of Massachusetts in Novem-
ber of this year considered itself empowered to pass a
law granting commissions to armed vessels, with orders
for the seizure of British ships.

A great deal of discussion has taken place in regard
to the rival claims of Barry and Manly to the title
of '^ Father of the American Navy.'' If such a title
belongs to a conmiander by the original choice and
authority of Washington, that honor falls to Captain
Manly, of the Lee. His appointment was confirmed
by Congress, and had an authentic but what might be
termed a semi-official character. John Bany, return-
ing from British waters with the Black Prince on Octo-
ber 13, the very day on which Congress passed its first
resolution for the founding of the American navy, was
put in command of the Lexington, the first ship bought
and equipped under this law. This vessel was not only
the first ship which was purchased by full Congressional
authority, but it was actually the first which sailed
under government orders. Barry's appointment, on

84 JOHN PAUL JONES

December 7^ was prior to the resolution by which a com-
mander-in-chief and other officers of the navy were or-
dered by Congress, but it was a bona fide Congressional
appointment none the less, and this fact would seem
undoubtedly to give to him the honor of being the first
commander in the United States navy.^ The list of
conunissions, including conmiander-in-chief; captains,
and lieutenants of the American fleet, which was issued
by Congress on December the 22d includes none for
Captain Barry, who was already at sea under his ap-
pointment by the earlier resolution of October 13. It
was not imtil eighteen months later, on September 26,
1776, that Hancock gave Barry his regular commis-
sion in written form, as captain of his ship, the Lexing-
ton, but he actually sailed, in obedience to the orders of
October the 13th, in the early part of February, 1776,
two weeks before the fleet under Hopkins left the Dela-
ware.

i.The management of the infant navy was chaotic in
the extreme, one committee following another in quick
succession. No regular rank was established at this
early period. Congress itself had an uncertain title to
government authority until after the Declaration of

^ A characteristic comment of John Adams shows that he denied that
the fleet under Hopkins was the first regularly appointed American
maritime force. The pretensions of both Jones and Bany were based
qol this assumption.

''Vanity is one of the diseases of the mind. You and all the world
know to what a scandalous degree I haye been infected with it all the
days of my life. Jones and Barry were kiMrous with it when the first
said 'My hand first hoisted the American flag/ and the last was not
less distempered with it whai he said 'the British Naval Flag first
struck tome.' Both were true only in the mouth of John Manly, whose
prises were of UKwe importance to this country than all that Jones
and Bany both perfomied."^(Adam8 to Dr. Rush, 1800.)

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 85

Independence; and the confusion in rank and priority
incident upon its rapidly succeeding and changing reso-
lutions gave rise to endless troubles and heart-burnings
among the newly appointed officers. The lion's share
of the appointments in the first list of officers fell to
New England. Stephen Hopkins, representing Rhode
Island, which had initiated the movement for the con-
struction of the fleet, was a man of eminent abilities,
and the most influential and respected man in the State.
He was a warm friend of John Adams, who so earnest-
ly advocated the adoption of the navy resolution. It
is Adams again who has left the most illuminating and
graphic account of the sessions of the naval committee,
which took place in a room reserved in a public-house
in Philadelphia, lasting after six in the evening until the
dose of its business.

The pleasantest part of the labors of the four years
I spent in Congress from 1774 to 1778, was in the Com-
mittee on Naval affairs. Mr. Lee and Mr. Gadsden
were sensible men and very cheerful, but Governor
Hopkins of Rhode Island, above seventy years of age,
kept us all alive. Upon business his experience and
judgment was very useful; but when the business of
the evening was over he kept us in conversation until
eleven and sometimes twelve o'clock. His custom was
to drink nothing all day until eight o'clock in the even-
ing; then his beverage was Jamaica spirits and water.
He had read Greek, Roman and British history, and was
familiar with English poetiy, particularly Pope, Thomp-
son, and Milton, and the flow of his soul made all of
his readings our own, and seemed to bring in recollec-
tion to all of us, all we had ever read. Hopkins never
drank to excess; but all he drank was inmiediately not

86 JOHN PAUL JONES

only converted into wit and knowledge, but inspired
us all with similar qualities.^

The picture of our great forefathers in their hours of
ease relaxing into a high enthusiasm inspired by Mil-
ton, Thompson, and Jamaica rum may cause a smile;
but a glance at the list of officers of the new navy proves
that favors and places were procured in much tiie same
manner as obtains to-day:

Ezek Hopkins, commander-in-chief.

Dudley Saltonstall, captain of the flag-ship Alfred.

Abraham Whipple, captain of the Cdumbua.

Nicholas Biddle, captain of the Andrea Doria.

John B. Hopkins, captain of the Cabot.

First Lieutenants: John Paul Jones, Rhodes Arnold,

Stansbury, Ho3rsted Hacker, and Jonathan Pitcher.
Second Lieutenants: Benjamin Seabury, Joseph Olney,

Elisha Warner, Thos. Weaver, and McDougal.

It will be seen that Stephen Hopkins's influence ob-
tained for his brother Ezek the position of commander-
in-chief, as well as the captaincy of the Columbus for his
relation, Abraham Whipple, and that of the Cabot for
Ezek Hopkins's son. Dudley Saltonstall, a relation of
Adams, was appointed captain of the flag-ship Alfred,
while the conmiand of the remaining ship was given to
the brave and ill-fated Nicholas Biddle, the chosen rep-
resentative of the wealth and social influence of Philar
delphia.

Although Joseph Hewes was not a member of the
first naval conunittee appointed by Congress on the

^Diary of John Adams.

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 87

5th of October, his name was added later, upon the en-
laigement of that committee on the 30th, by reason of
his well-known business ability and his experience as a
ship-owner, and he was soon invested with the entire
charge of the equipment of the fleet ordered by Con-
gress. He performed the enormous labors thus im-
posed upon hun with tireless zeal, working with no stop
for food or drink from early morning until late at night.
He sometimes found it necessary to advance money out
of his private fortune for the needy government, and
always labored with unsparing forgetfulness of health
and private interest for the cause of his country.

In spite of the fact that he alone was intrusted with
the practical work of organizing the fleet, he could com-
mand but one appointment, and this he promptly gave
to Paul Jones, who was afterward known during the
whole of the Revolution as 'Hhe North Carolina Cap-
tain.'' Time was to prove the wisdom of Hewes's
choice of a naval officer and to ventilate the unfitness
of family appointments. The fact that Jones owed his
appointment in the navy to Hewes is proved by various
statements in Jones's later letters. In a letter of May
the 22d, 1777, at the time when he had just been given
the command of the Ranger, he clearly acknowledges
his obligations to his friend: '^The great individual
obligation I owe, makes it more than ever my duty to
keep you informed of my movements. I need not assure
you that this is a welcome duty, for the reason that I
know there is no person living to whom news of my
success can bring more satisfaction than to yourself,
and you are surely entitled to such a satisfaction because

88 JOHN PAUL JONES

you more than any other person have labored to place
the instruments of success in my hands/'

A few months later, on November 7, 1777, he wrote:
'^Of one thing in spite of all you may definitely assure
yourself, and that is that I will not accept of any com-
mand or enter into any arrangement that can bring
in question or put out of sight the r^ular rank I hold
in tiie United States Navy, for which I now as always
acknowledge my debt to you more than to any other
person/'

The attitude which Paul Jones maintained toward
this singularly sincere and benignant man reveals the
most delightful side of his nature. \^th a gratitude
only equalled by his trust and afifection he reported to
him, as to the author of his destiny, the fullest and most
minute account of his actions, and the frankest expres-
sion of his thoughts, from the outset of his service in
the American navy. His feeling of obligation is some-
times fairly overflowing, as when he says: ^^I unbosom
myself to you with the utmost confidence; for you
have laid me under the most singular obligations, and
you are indeed the angel of my happiness, since to your
friendship I owe my present enjoyment as well as my
future prospects/' Or again, when he earnestly repre-
sents the necessity of certain improvements in the new
and iU-r^ulated service in which Hewes had placed
him, and gives eloquent expression to his high sense of
the importance of his patron's position and personal
character, and the warmth of their mutual devotion to
thecauseof liberty and America: ''When I address my
sentiments to you with this freedom, I consider you not

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 89

as a Member of the grand State Council of a rising
Empire/ but as a private Gentleman of disinterested
candour and penetration, a Free citizen of the world,
governed by tiie Noblest of principles, the good of man-
kind, and since Liberty hath chosen America as her
last asfylum, every e£Fort to protect and cherish her is
noble, and will be rewarded with the thanks of future
ages."*

Jones received his appointment on December the
7th, and was assigned the place of first lieutenant on
the list adopted by Congress on December the 22d.
As appears by a letter to his friend Hewes, written after
the first cruise of the fleet, he had been offered the
command of the sloop Promdence, and afterward of the
tiny ship Fly, but refused them both. He showed a
most commendable modesty at this time in r^ard to
his abilities, preferring a post as lieutenant on the AU
fred, not only on account of the greater opporttmities
for action which he believed he would be likely to en-
counter on board the flag-ship, but also, as he professed,
because he had hopes of gaining much useful knowledge
from men of more experience than himself. He states
elsewhere, with becoming frankness, that he found him-
self ^^ imperfect in the duties of a lieutenant.'^ Very
few weeks were to pass, however, before Jones himself
realized that he had nothing to learn from his fellow-
officers, and that he was head and shoulders above
them in seamanship and in every quality which should
characterize a commander.

On December 23, the day following the issue of the

^ Letter to Hewee, October 81, 1776.

90 JOHN PAUL JONES

list of navy appointments, Stephen Hopkins wrote an
affectionate letter to his brother Ezek, who was at that
time brigadier-general, commanding the American sol-
diers at Newport, and informed him of the action of
Congress. The new commander-in-chief thereupon re-
paired to Philadelphia and f omid his flag-ship entirely
ready to sail. In the absence of Captain Saltonstall,
who was still in Boston, the Alfred had been armed
and manned by Jones. Commander-in-Chief Hopkins
promised to make Jones captain in recognition of
these services, but a day or two before the squadron
sailed from Philadelphia Saltonstall appeared and took
command.

On a day in January, unnoted in any record, except
as to the character of the weather, which was said to
have been clear and cold, the commander-in-chief went
for the first time on board the Alfred ^ moored in the
Delaware. Shortly before nine o'clock a baige put off
from the Alfred and was rowed to the ship at the foot
of Walnut Street, when, without any delay, Hopkins
stepped on board, and the baige returned, bringing
him through the floating ice to the flag-ship. Eight
ships of the new fleet lay at anchor side by side. All
Philadelphia was awake and aware of the importance
of the occasion, and at an early hour of the gray winter
day the patriotic inhabitants were assembled in crowds
upon the shore and wharves, while the shipping in the
river was gayly decorated in honor of the occasion.
As Hopkins gained the deck, Captain Saltonstall gave
a signal, and John Paul Jones hoisted with his own hand
the first flag which ever floated over an American ship

COMUODORE EZEK HoFKINS.
■ print In the collection of Mr. Charka A

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 91

of war. With this act the American navy began its
existence, and Paul Jones's association with it remained
a pride to his glory-loving heart mitil the latest day
of his life. This flag was not the stars and stripes,
but was a curious banner made of yellow silk, bearing
a lively representation of a rattlesnake and the motto
''Don't tread on me."^ A flag of this description was
presented by Gadsden to Congress on February 8, a
few weeks after the banner of the colonies was unf mrled

U. "On the ddiDBtant the Ckmtinental flag cm board the BlodbP^^
(Alfnd) opposite Philadelphia was hoisted.'' — ("Am. Arohiyes/' ser. IV,
vol IV, pp. 358-360. Letter to the Earl of Dartmouth from "aminister
of the King of Kings," "B. P./' dated December 20, 1775.)

2. January 2, 1776, the ''Union Flag" was hoisted on Prospect Hfll,
Cambridge. — C'Am. Archives," ser. IV, vol. IV, p. 570.)

3. January 14, 1776, Hopkins arrived at Philadelphia and took com-
mand of the fleet. ''As Hopkins gained the dedc (Alfredf) Captain
Dudl^ Saltonstall gave the signal and First Lieutenant John Paul Jones
hoisted a yellow siUk flag bearing a lively representation of a rattlesnake
and the motto ' Don't tread on me.' "—(Preble, " Origin, etc.. Flag U.S." ;
Fiekl, "Life of Esek Hopkins.")

4. February 8, 1776, Christopher Qadsden, member of the marine
committee, presented to Congress a flag like the one described in No. 3,
"an elegant standard such as is to be used by the commander-in-chief
in the American Navy."— (Preble, "Origin flag, etc."; Fiekl, "Life of
Esek Hopkins.")

5. February 9, 1776, the "First American fleet that ever swdled their
sails on the Western Ocean . . . sailed from Philadelphia (as far as
Capes of the Delaware) under the display of a Union Flag with 13
stripes in the field, emblematic of the 13 colonies." — ("Am. Archives,"
ser. IV, vol IV, p. 964.)

6. February 17, 1776, the fleet got out to sea.

Inference may be drawn from these statements that the "yellow silk
flag," said to have been first hoisted, was the special "standard" of
Hopkins as commander-in-chief of the navy. And the fleet sailed on
its expedition under the national ensign then used, the Union flag.

This was the flag which an English writer of the period refers to in
the following words: "A strange flag lately appeared in our seas bear-
ing a pine tree with the portraiture of a rattle snake coiled up at its root,
with the daring words 'Don't tread on me.' We learned that the ves-
sels bearing this flag have a sort of commission from a society of people
in Philadelphia, calling themselves the 'Continental Ckmgress'!"

92 JOHN PAUL JONES

at the mast-head of the flag-ship, in memory of this
occasion. It hmig for some time over the President's
chair.

Commander-in-Chief Hopkins b^an his brief and
inglorious career by losing so much time in delays that
his fleet was caught by the ice in the Delaware and
prevented from sailing until February the 17th. Al-
though directed by Congress to proceed southward to
attack the fleet of Lord Dunmore, which had been de-
stroying towns and estates in Virginia, Hopkins, who
was also authorized by the last article in his orders
to use his own judgment in regard to the direction of
his cruises, prudently availed himself of this privil^e,
and instead of attacking the powerful fleet of Dimmore,
steered his course toward the Bahamas. The squadron
anchored at Abaco, with two captured sloops from New
Providence in tow, from whom Hopkins learned that
the forts of the island were very insufficiently guarded,
and that they also contained a large store of mimitions
of war. Hopkins thereupon determined to make an
attack for the purpose of securing these stores. This
was in itself an object of the greatest importance, for
the colonial government was wellnigh destitute of
powder; but the inexperience of the commander ren-
dered the expedition only partially successful. Li-
stead of approaching the iskmid by stealth and under
cover of night, the whole squadron sailed boldly up
in broad day and within full sight of the forts, giving
ample time and warning to the British governor, who,
immediately recognizing the object of the attack, got
the laiger portion of the powder on board a couple

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 93

of ships and sent them out of danger during the
night.

It is most interesting to note the initiative, superior
intelligence, and coiutige shown by Paul Jones in this
the earliest moment of his service in the American navy.
Instantly recognizing the grave mistake made by the
conmiander-in-chief , he was ready with a plan to re-
trieve it. Hopkins proposed to land the marines on
the western coast of the island and from thence march
directly upon the town. Jones, who was fortimately
consulted, pointed out that no road led from this part
of the island, and that the necessarily slow progress
of the marines would be conunimicated to the inhabi-
tants, who would thus have time to collect and organ-
ize a defence. He also pointed out that no harbor
existed on this shore in which the ships of the squad-
ron could be anchored. Knowing every island in the
West Indies, he informed Hopkins that there was a
key three leagues to windward where the ships could
lie in safety, and advised that the marines should be
despatched by the road which covered the short dis-
tance between the eastern shore and the town. Two
pilots had been taken aboard from the captured sloops,
and Jones had completed a plan with them by which
the ships could be safely got into the key. Hopkins
was afraid, as he never failed to be, on this and every
other occasion, and refused to trust the ships to the
pilots. Jones thereupon volunteered to take them in
himself. Going with the pilot to the ntiast-head of the
Alfred f he succeeded in getting the vessels safe into
their anchorage. Here was the first taste of Jones's

94 JOHN PAUL JONES

quality; first to see an opportunity, first to avafl him-
self of it. This picture of hun at the mast-head of the
ship might serve as a S3rmbol and forecast of his ^ole
career.

The scheme as he planned it was successful from
the moment it was put under his charge. The marines
were inmiediately sent in by the eastern passage in a
couple of coal schooners, under the command of Cap-
tain Nichols, and; landing without opposition about
four miles from Fort Montague, marched upon the
town of Nassau and captured both the fort and the
town without the loss of a man. Although the British
governor had managed to spirit away the powder dur-
ing the night, the American squadron, sailing into New
Providence harbor in early morning, took possession
of one hundred cannon and other valuable stores, and
a few days later, on the 17th of March, sailed out of
the harbor, carrying as hostages Governor Brown him-
self and two other English officers.

The measure of success which was attained in this
first exploit of the new fleet was clearly due to Paul
Jones, and this was absolutely everything which was
accomplished dming this first cruise under Hopkins,
the only success ever achieved under his conmiand.
On the 5th of April, a fortnight after the fleet left New
Providence, it fell in with the British man-of-war Glas-
gow, and in spite of the great numerical superiority of
the American squadron the single ship of the enemy,
ably conmianded by Captain Tyringham Howe, in-
flicted more damage than she received and got away.
This action showed the inefficiency of the war-ships

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 95

which composed the first American fleet; they were, in
fact; only merchantnships hurriedly transformed and
equipped, but it showed more clearly the inadequacy
of the commander-in-chief and the inexperience of the
officers. It brought about a full crop of courts-martial
and a salutary winnowing of the wheat from the chaff
in the matter of commanding officers. On this occa-
sion Jones commanded the lower battery of the Alfred
and performed his duty bravely and efficiently. If he
had been on the quarter-deck, the present station of
the first lieutenant; there can be little doubt but that
the Glasgow would have been captured.

The character of the commanding officer of the new
fleet differed, unfortunately, very widely from the dis-
tinguished brother to whom he owed his appointment.
Ezek Hopkins had been a commander of trading-ships
for thirty years and had had some experience in the
French war. He was prominent and respected in the
affairs of Rhode Island and in Providence, and was by
no means an unpromising appointment for the posi-
tion; but he had grown old in the merchant service
and was irascible, obstinate, and utterly inexperienced
in the kind of warfare in which he was now engaged.
The difficulties of the task imposed upon him were
overwhelming, and it cannot be denied that he labored
earnestly and at times desperately to overcome them.
Unusual abiUty, the resourcefulness of a Washington or
a Greene, the genius which would make bricks with-
out straw were necessary for the men who were to
lead America's chaotic forces in this day of b^innings.
Ezek Hopkins was not an unusual man, and he fafled.

96 JOHN PAUL JONES

His was one of those singular characters which unite
obstinacy with weakness; and presented not the only
instance in which obstinacy masqueraded as strength
and weakness passed for prudence.

By the 11th of April the fleet had retmned to North-
em waters and lay moored at New London. General
Knox, visiting the commander-in-chief on board the
Alfred at this time, wrote his impression of his per-
sonality to his wife: ''The Admiral is an antiquated
figure. He brought to my mind Van Tromp, the fa-
mous Dutch Admiral. Although antiquated in figure,
he is shrewd and sensible, and I, who you think only a
little enthusiastic, should have taken him for an angel,
only he swore now and then."

No man was moi^ honorable in intention than this
antiquated captain of trading-ships; but his limita-
tions in ability and experience were soon to be merci-
lessly exposed and most severely pimished. It took
Jones some time to judge the character of the man who
was his chief, and while in his first letter to Hewes he
expressed himself very freely about Captain Salton-
stall, his references to Hopkins are loyal, and indi-
cate that at this time at least he was respected by his
men.

From the outset of his naval career it was Jones's
custom to send a detailed account of his doings to
Hewes; this he considered as a duty to the man who
had given him his appointment, and they furnish not
only a capital account of the operations of the fleet,
but also intimate details in regard to the personnel of
the raw colonial forces and frank expressions of his

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 97

views in r^ard to the necessary qualifications of a
commanding officer in the navy.

The first of these letters is dated the 14th of April,
immediately after his arrival at New London, at the
end oi the first cruise of the squadron. The first part
of the letter contains a very brief account of the New
Providence expedition, in which he modestly makes
no mention at all of his own agency in the plan which
brought about its success.

The account of this engagement is here given as he
wrote it in the latter part of his letter to Hewes, and in
it it will be seen that he refrains entirely from making
any criticism of his most ineffective superior officers,
except in one comment, very guarded and possibly
even suppressed in the final draft. His feeUngs, those
sensitive feelmgs of ''a man of Uberal mind long accus-
tomed to command,^' have evidently been seriously
hurt, and he pours them out in confidence to his friend.
AlasI the note of injury is rarely lacking in the many
letters preserved of Jones, from this early moment
until the end.

Our cruise was now directed back for the Continents,
and after meeting with much bad weather, on the 5th.
instant off Block Island, we took one of Captain Wal-
lace's (the commander of the British Fleet off B. I.)
tenders. The Hawk Schooner of six guns. The next
morning we fell in with the Glasgow, man of war, and
a hot engagement ensued; the particulars of which I
cannot communicate better than by extracting the
minutes which I entered in the Alfreds log book, as
follows: —

98 JOHN PAUL JONES

At 2 A. M. cleared the ship for action. At half past
2 ditto^ the Cabot being between us, and the enemy^
began to engage^ and soon after we did the same, at the
third glass the enemy bore away and by crowding sail
at length got a considerable ways ahead; made signals
for the ships of the English fleet at Rhode Island to
come to her assistance^ and steered directly for the
harbor. The Commodore then thought it imprudent
to risk our prizes by pursuing farther; therefore^ to
prevent our being decoyed into their hands at half past
six made the signal to leave off the chase, and hauled
by the wind to join our prizes. The Cabot was dis-
abled at the second broadside; the captain dangerously
woimded; the master and several men killed. The
enemy's whole fire was then directed at uS; and an un-
lucky shot having carried away our wheel block and
ropeS; the ship broached to and gave the enemy an op-
portunity of raking us with serving broadsides before
we were again in a condition to steer the ship and re-
turn the fibre. In the action^ we received several shot
under water, which made the ship very leaky. We
had besides the main mast shot through, and the
upper work and rigging very considerably damaged.
Yet it is surprising that we only lost the second Lieu-
tenant of marines and four men.

At this point the significant comment occurs which
has been already referred to. It is crossed out but is
perfectly legible.

It is your province to make the natural comments
arising from the subject I wi^ to avoid concerning
individuals. The utmost delicacy is necessary and
highly becoming in my situation. I therefore content
myself with relating facts, and I leave wiser heads the
privilege of determining their propriety.

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 99

The letter continues as foUows:

I have the pleasure of assuring you that the Com-
mander-in-Chief is respected thro' the fleet, and I ver-
ily believe that the officers and men in general would
go any length to execute his orders. It is with pain
that I con&ie this plaudit to an individual. I should
be happy in extencUng it to every captain and officer
in the service; praise is certamly due to some, but alas,
there are exceptions. It is certamly for the interest
of the service that a cordial interchange of civilities
should subsist between superior and inferior officers,
and therefore it is bad poUcy in superiors to behave
toward their inferiors indiscriminatdy, and tho' they
were of a lower species, such a conduct will damp the
spirits of any man. Would to heaven it were other-
wise, but in sad truth this is a conduct too much in
fashion in our infant fleet; the ill consequences of this
are obvious. Men of liberal minds who have been long
accustomed to conmiand can ill brook being thus set
at naught by others who claim a monopoly of sense.
The rude imgentle treatment they experience, creates
such heart burnings as are in nowise consonant with
that cheerful ardor and spirit which ought ever to be
the characteristic of an officer, and therefore when he
adopts such a line of conduct in order to prove it (for
to be well obeyed it is necessary to be esteemed) who-
ever thinks himself heartily in the service is widely
mistaken.

The officer here referred to (Jones's own command-
ing officer) was Captain Saltonstall, and, as has been
seen, a relation of John Adams. This relationship in
itself tells us that he was not only New England by
birth, but, as an Adams appointment, strongly New
England in qrmpathy. There was much sectional jeal-

100 JOHN PAUL JONES

ousy in the army between the New England and the
Southern soldiers^ and it is not in any way Burprising
that this feeling also found its way into the fleet. Cap-
tain Saltonstall is described as being sandy-haired,
stocky in figure, short-necked, and irascible. With
sensibilities and customs formed by the unusual cour-
tesy and the generous and gracious standards of his
Southern friends, it is not surprising that Jones found
the manners of his superior officer '^ rude and ungentle.''
By the 11th of April the fleet arrived at New London
and put up for repairs. Difficulties many and great
now surrounded the unlucky Hopkins. A storm of
criticism for the escape of the Glasgow broke over his
head. Small-pox appeared among the sailors and
raged with unabated violence for many weeks. Two
hundred men from the different ships were laid up in
temporary hospitals, and it became wellnigh impos-
sible to man the ships. An astonished and indignant
public demanded an explanation as to the so-called
disgraceful inefficiency of the newly appointed officers
of the fleet. Hopkins was violently assailed, as well
as his brother-in-law, Abraham Whipple. The latter
put up a spirited defence. This was the same man
who destroyed his majesty's ship, the Oa»p6^ in Narra-
gansett harbor in 1772. This incident of that early
moment in the budding Revolution has always been
celebrated. The correspondence which ensued is duuv
acteristic enough to be quoted:

From the British Commander-in-CSuef Wallace to
Abraham Whipple:

BEGINNINGS OP THE AMERICAN NAVY 101

Srar—

You^ Abraham Whipple, on the 10th of June, 1772,
burned his Majesty's ship the Ga9p6, and I will hang
you at the yard arm.

From Abraham Whipple to the British Com-
mander:

Sir James Wallace: —
Sm: — ^Always catch a man before you hang him.

A gentleman of this temper would not be likely to
sit down quietly under undeserved criticism, and he
appealed to his brother-in-law and commander as
follows:

If I did not do my duty it was not out of cowardice,
but for want of judgment, I say all the people of New
London look on me with contempt. Therefore, I, hav-
ing a family of children to be upbraided with the mark
of cowardice, and my own ch^ttcter now scandalized
thro' the whole thirteen colonies, it is a thing I cannot
bear, and if I am a coward, I have no business in the
service of the country.

The charges against Whipple were duly investi-
gated in a court-martial, held on May 9, when he was
promptly acquitted and restored to the service, in
which he remained for many years. Jones was pres-
ent as a witness at his trial, and defended him, a fact
which he was unfortunately compelled to recall to his
memory at a later time. Captain Hazard, whose trial
took place a few days earlier, on the 1st of May,
was convicted of cowardice and broke, and the com-

102 JOHN PAUL JONES

mand of his ship, the Providence, given to Jones. The
commander-in-chief at this troublous moment decided
to remain on shore, sending three of the smallest ships
to sea with the few men he could muster, while the
flag-ship and the larger portion of the fleet lay idle in
the harbor. Washington had lent two himdred men
for a short time to supply the places of those laid up
with small-pox; but it was a short-time loan, and the
plight of the new fleet was truly a sad one. Most of
the available seafaring men had shipped on privateers,
and a large number had already been enrolled in the
army. It was practically impossible to man the ships
or to attempt to win back the respect of the govern-
ment and the public. Paul Jones, evidently recog-
nized by this time as both active and competent, was
sent to sea in the Promdence with half of Washington's
soldiers.

On the 19th of May Jones wrote to Hewes, from New
York, a long description of the conditions then prevail-
ing in the fleet, so complete and so interesting that it
is here quoted in full. It contains the statement al-
luded to in regard to Jones's training of the seamen on
the Alfred, with its significant indication of his previous
experience in the British navy:

On board the Sloop Promdence,

New York I9th May, 1776.
Sie:—

I had the honor of writing you the histoiy of our
cruise in the Fleet from the Capes of Delaware, till om*
arrival at New London the 14th ult. enclosing an in-
ventoiy of all stores taken at North Providence, etc. —

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 103

the letter contained a particular account of the action
with the Olasgow in an extract from the Alfred! s Log
Book — ^it also contained some free thoughts on certain
characters in the Fleet — ^it was enclosed to Mr. Sproat
and by ill luck fell into hands not the most agreeable,
on its way to the post-office, for which circumstances
I much fear it hath miscarried, for I have just now
parted from Captain Lenox and tho he is late from
Philadelphia, he hath no account of any letters from
me to his uncle, Mr. Sproat.

I now enclose you the Minutes of two Court Mar-
tials held on board the Alfred^ the evidences at large
excepted — ^these minutes have not yet been seen in
print — . In consequence of the last trial I was ordered
to take the command of this vessel the 10th cmrt. I
arrived here yesterday afternoon in 36 hours from
Rhode Island with a return of upwards of 100 men be-
sides officers, which Gen. Washington lent to the Fleet
at N. London. I left the A. Doria and Cabot at Rhode
Island ready to sail together for a fom* weeks cruise.
What will become of the Alfred and Columbria heaven
only knows. The seamen have been so very sickly
since the Fleet returned to the Continent that it wiU
be impossible to mann them without others can be en-
tered. I have landed Gen. Washington's soldiers and
shall now apply to shipping men, if any can be obtained,
but it appears that the seamen almost to a man had
entered into the army before the Fleet was set on foot,
and I am well informed that there are four or five thou-
sand seamen now in the land service.

The unfortunate engagement with the Glasgow seems
to be a general reflection on the officers of the Fleet,
but a littie reflection will set the matter in a true light,
for no officer who acts under the eye of a superior, and
who doth not stand charged by that superior for cow-
ardice or misconduct, can be blamed on any occasion

104 JOHN PAUL JONES

whatever. For my own part, I widi a general inquiiy
might be made respecting the abilities of officero in all
stations; and then the country would not be cheated.
I may be wrong, but in my opinion, a Captain of the
Navy ought to be a man of strong and wdl connected
sense, with a tolerable good education, a gentleman,
as well as a seaman, both in theoiy and practice; for
want of learning and rude ungentle manner are by no
means the characteristick of tiie officer. I have been
led into this subject on feeling myself hurt as an indi-
vidual by the censures that have been indiscriminately
thrown out — ^for altho my station confined me to the
Alfred^ 8 lower Gun Deck, where I conmianded during
the action, and tho the Commodore's letter which hath
been published says: '^all of the officers in the Alfred
behaved well/' yet still the public blames me, among
others, for not taking the enemy.

I declined the command of this Sloop at Philadel-
phia, nor should I now have accepted it, had it not been
for the rude, imhappy temper of my late Conmiander.
I now reflect with pleasure that I had philosophy suf-
ficient to avoid quarreling with him and that I even
obtained his blessings at parting. May he too soon
become of an affable, even disposition, and may he too
find pleasure in communicating happiness around him.

There is little confidence to be placed in reports,
otherwise the Lieutenants of the Fleet might have rea-
son to be uneasie, when they are told that the several
Committees have orders to appoint all the officers for
the new Ships, except only the Captains. I cannot
think that they will be so far overlooked, who have at
first stept forth and shewn at least willingness — ^nor can
I suppose that my own conduct will be in the esteem
of Congress such as to subject me to be superseded in
favor of a yoimger officer, especially one who is said not
to imderstand navigation — ^I mean the Lieutenant of

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 105

the Caboif who was put in as Commr. of the Fly at
Reedy Island, after I had decUned it. I was then told
that no new Commission would be given, and I con-
sidered her as a paltry message boat^ fit to be com-
manded by a midshipman, but on my appointment to
the Providence 1 was indeed astonished to find my
seniority questioned. The Commodore told me he
must refer to the Congress — I have received no new
Commission. I wi^ t^e matter in dispute may first
be cleared up. I will cheerfully abide by whatever you
may think is right — at the same time, I am ready at
any time to have my pretentions inquired into by men
who are Judges.

When I applied for a Lieutenancy, I hoped in that
work to gain much useful knowledge from men of more
experience than mjrself. I was, however, mistaken,
for instead of gaining information I was obliged to in-
form others. I formed an exercise and trained the men
so well to the great Guns in the Alfred that they went
through the motions of broadsides and rounds as exactly
as soldiers generally perform the manual exercise.
When I get what men are to be had, I am ordered back
to Providence. The Sloop must be hove down and
considered generally repaired and refitted before she
can proceed properly on any cruise.

I should esteem mjrself happy in being sent for to
Philadelphia to act under the more immediate direc-
tion of Congress, especially in one of the new Ships. I
must rely on your interest herein.

The largest, and I think by far the best of the Frig-
ates was launched the day after I left Providence, but
from what I can learn, neither of them will equal the
Philadelphia Ships. I left the Columbus heaving down,
and the Alfred hauling to the wharf.

I send this by the Commodore's Steward, who hath
leave to visit his wife at Phila. and will call on you on

106 JOHN PAUL JONES

his return in a day or two. I expect that he will over^
take me here^ if I succeed in getting men; if not^ he will
follow me to Rhode Island and Providence. May I
hope for the honor of a letter from you by his hand;
it will most singularly oblige me, and greatly add to
the favour abeady conferred on,

Sir,
Your veiy much obliged

and veiy humble servant,

John P. Jones.

N. B. If you have not received my last, I will send
you a copy if desired.

The Honorable Joseph Hewes, Esquire,
Philadelphia.

This letter marks a considerable step in Jones's com-
prehension of his situation in the new navy. His fear
of superseding was entirely natural, and expressed
with no undue violence. His feelings, although aroused,
were completely under control, and he professed with
characteristic loyalty that he would have due r^ard
for Hewes's opinion and advice. His mind was fully
bent on winning success in the cause he had made his
own, and he was reaching out for opportunity of larger
service, as he realized his own superior powers.

Writing in 1848, Captain Mackenzie, of the American
navy, in his life of Paul Jones, gives the following ade-
quate appreciation of his ability and of the services he
might have rendered to America if he had been given
command at this critical point in her histoiy :

'^ Could Jones's character have been penetrated and
comprehended at the first, and he placed at the head

BEGINNINGS OF THE AMERICAN NAVY 107

of our Navy, there can be little doubt that it would at
once have assumed a tone and order to which it was
long a stranger, and while commending itself to the
gratitude of the countiy by the achievement of glo-
rious deeds, would have greatly accelerated the events
which led to the recognition of our Independence/'

C5HAPTER V
FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND

Ai/THOUGH it was not long before the success and su-
perior abilities of Paul Jones aroused the jealousy of
the commander-in-chief, it was Hopkins himself who
actually gave him his first step in the service. On the
back of his original lieutenant's commission Hopkins
wrote out his new commission as captain of the Proth
idence, on May the 10th, 1776. Paul Jones by this act
assumed his first independent command as captain in
the American navy. His first duty, as has been seen
in his letter to Hewes of May the 19th, was to convoy
the troops lent by Washington from Rhode Island back
to New York. He there enlisted as many seamen as
he could find for his nearly empty ship, picked up at
New London a few more discharged from the small-pox
hospital, and retiuned to Providence. There for a few
days he busied himself in getting his small vessel into
as good a condition as possible for active service, and
on the 13th of June, having received orders from Hop-
kins to convoy Lieutenant Hacker in the Fly, canying
some heavy cannon for the defence of New York, he
again set sail for that city. He fell in with two Eng-
lish frigates off Block Island. One of these, the Cer-
herua, mounted thirty-two guns and was a f onnidable
enough antagonist. With her he had two sharp en-

106

FBRST INDEPENDENT CX)MMAND 109

gagements and came off with brilliant success^ suc-
ceeding in defending his own convoy, and again, at a
later date, in saving the Hispaniola, heavily laden with
much-needed stores for the army, while hotly pursued
by the enemy.

His next orders were to proceed to Boston and from
thence to convoy some trading-ships to their destina-
tion in the Delaware. In the performance of this ser-
vice he was again called upon to show both his good
seamanship and his address in avoiding the numerous
ships of war under Lord Howe, which were then arriv-
ing in Eastern waters from England and from Canada.
He was again successful in this difficult and dangerous
undertaking, and brought his convoy safely into port,
arriving in the Delaware on August 1, 1776.

Being now at the seat of government, in Philadel-
phia, Jones lost no time in getting his captain's com-
mission indorsed by full Congressional authority. The
colonies had thrown off the yoke of the mother coun-
try, and Hancock was then president of the full-fledged
Continental Congress. He duly confirmed the appoint-
ment given to Jones by Hopkins on May the 10th,
by virtue of which he had become commander of the
Providence, and made out to Jones a regular captain's
commission, dated August 8, 1776, the first one granted
to any officer subsequent to the Declaration of Inde-
pendence. This was, as should be noted and remem-
bered, a doubly certified appointment, given first by
the commander-in-chief of the navy and afterward
confirmed by the president of Congress. On tiiis com-
mission Jones always based his claims for priority in

110 JOHN PAUL JONES

rank over the thirteen men who were subsequently put
above him.

Jones was now once more in communication with his
powerful and devoted friend Hewes. The large brigan-
tine Hispaniola, which he had saved from the clutches
of the Cerberus, had been purchased by Ck>ngress and
renamed the Hampden. Hewes influenced the marine
committee to offer the eonmiand of this large vessel to
his successful prot^^ who had already made so cred-
itable a record for usefulness and ability in convoying
the precious stores of camion and government supplies
safely into their ports. The recognition of these ser-
vices received ample and prompt reward from the ma-
rine committee, who decided to give him orders which
completely ignored the authority of the timid and
dilatorjr commander-in-chief of the navy. The official
record states that ''it was proposed to Captain Jones
by the marine committee of Congress to go to Connecti-
cut to eonmiand the brigantine Hampden, but he, choos-
ing rather to remain in the sloop Providence, had orders
to go out on a cruise against the enemy for six weeks
or two or three months/' This choice of the smaller
dap is extremely significant and interesting, for it
shows that Jones had already veiy clearly developed
his ideas of the kind of warfare possible to the colonial
navy. With no diance of competing with the great
and long-established marine forces of Great Britain in
battle drawn, the only hope of success was in brilliant
and imexpected attacks upon defenceless coasts; these
attacks could only be made in fast sailingnships. He
ardently desired opportunities to carry out his plan of

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 111

attack^ and aigued his cause with such ardor and abil-
ity with Hewes and the marine committee that they
Zre convinced of his wisdom and conceived a flat J
ing idea of his capacity. The orders which they issued
to him were very remarkable, as they not only ignored
the commander-in-chief, but gave the young captain un-
limited directions to go where he pleased and do as he
pleased; but it was a remarkable time and a remark-
able man who had thus early pushed himself from ob-
scurity. Weaker wills and lesser minds were forced
aside by this vital power, now focussed to activity,
while his equals, his great-minded contemporaries, then,
as always, generously aided and protected him.

On the 21st of August he set sail for a six weeks'
cruise, which amply proved the wisdom of his plan and
brought him his first taste of personal triumph. His
ship was veiy small, carrying only twelve long fours,
but he had already found her fast enough to get out of
the way of the enemy's larger ships, and he selected
his own crew of seventy men, who proved themselves
exceedingly satisfactoiy to the yoimg and untried com-
mander.

Sailing from the Delaware on the 21st of August, he
cruised a week between latitude 39^ and 33^, going to
the eastward as far as longitude 50^ west, and taking
three brigs, the Sea Nymph, Favorite, and Britannia ;
the first two laden with rum, the last a whaler. These
valuable prizes he manned and sent home. On the
1st df September, off the island of Bermuda, he sighted
a fleet of five safl, the largest of which he took to be a
merchantman, and ran down to cut her out. He foimd

112 JOHN PAUL JONES

that she was an English frigate, the SoUbay, of twenty-
eight gunS; and a fast sailer. With a frigate such as
the Solebay the little Providence had not the slightest
chance of a successful encounter, so Jones hauled his
wind and made all haste to escape, for his error in think-
ing the Solebay was a merchantman had brought him
into imminent danger. Scarcely a week afloat in his
own ship, the untried captain of a crew of utterly inex-
perienced men, he now gave an exhibition of sldU and
daring worthy of comparison with the smartest pieces
of seamanship on record. The frigate began firing,
and Jones, hoisting the Continental colors, retiuned the
fire. The English ship attempted to take the Proth
idence by hoisting an American ensign in token of
amity, but Jones was not to be deceived by so trans-
parent a ruse. The frigate kept on firing, pursuing
the Promdence hotly for more than f om* hours, finally
getting within musketnshot of her prey. The situa-
tion was now critical in the extreme, but Jones had
aheady matured a plan of escape, and with great cool-
ness began edging gradually to leeward, so gradually
that he aroused no suspicion of his intention until he
had brought the Solebay on his weather quarter, when
suddenly the helm of the Providence was put sharply
up, and crowding all sails she was off before the wind
before the Solebay could get a single one of her guns to
bear.

A very brief accoimt of this exploit, without a men-
tion of tiie name of the frigate, was sent in by Jones to
the marine conmiittee on the 4th of September. In a
letter of the same date to Hopkins, he comments upon

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 113

the encounter with natural satisfaction: ^'Our hair
breadth escape and the saucy manner of making it,
must have mortified him (the enemy) not a little— he
might have fired several broadsides while we were
within pistol shot, but he was a bad marksman, and
did not hit the Providence with one of the many shots
which he fired."

Three days later he wrote again, by the brigantine
Favorite, from Liverpool, which he captured on the even-
ing of September 6. In this letter he observes that
he does not expect much success on accoimt of the late-
ness of the season. His fears were not destined to be
realized, as appeared by his next report to the marine
committee. This letter gives so clear and agreeable
an impression of his habitual temper when in action
that it is quoted here in full. His humanity to the
English fishermen, the warm commendation of his offi-
cers and crew, and the admirable enthusiasm and pa-
tience under severe hardships, all expressed with the
greatest simplicity, reveal the ideal qualifications of a
commander:

Providence, ofif the Isle of Sable,
dOth Sept., 1776.
Gentlemen: —

From that time (of despatching the Favorite), I cruised
without seeing any vessel. I then spoke the Columbus^
prize, the ship Royal Exchange, boimd for Boston. By
this time my wood and water began to run short, which
induced me to run to the northward, for some port of
Nova Scotia or Cape Breton. I had, besides, a pros-
pect of destrojring the English shipping in these parts.
The 16th and 17tii, I had a veiy heavy gale from the

114 JOHN PAUL JONES

N. W.f which obliged me to dismount all my guns^ and
stick everjrthing I could into the hold. The 19th; I
made the Isle of Sable, and on the 20th, being between
it and the main, I met with an English frigate/ with a
merchant ship imder her convoy. I had hove to, to
give my people an opportunity of taking fish, when the
frigate came in sight directly to windward, and was so
good natured as to save me the trouble of chasing him,
by bearing down, the instant he discovered us. When
he came within cannon shot, I made sail to try his speed.
Quartering and finding that I had the advantage, I
shortened sail to give him a wild goose chase, and
tempt him to throw away powder and shot. Accord*
ingly, a curious mock engagement was maintained be-
tween us, for eight hours; until night with her sable
curtains, put an end to tins famous exploit of English
knight-errantry.

He excited my contempt so much, by his continual
firing, at more than twice the proper distance, that when
he roimded to, to give his broadside, I ordered my ma-
rine officer to retmn the salute with only a single mus-
ket. We saw him, next morning, standing to the west-
ward; and it is not unlikely, that he hath told his
friends at Halifax, what a trinmiing he gave to a ''rebel
privateer,'' which he found infesting the coast.

That night I was off Canso harbour, and sent my
boat in to gain information. On the morning of the
22nd, I anchored in the harbour, and, before night, got
off a sufficiency of wood and water. Here I recruited
several men, and finding three English schooners in the
harbour, we that night, bmned one, sunk another, and
in the morning, carried off the tbird, which we had
loaded with what fish we found in the other two.

At Canso I received information of nine sail of ships,
brigs, and schooners, in the harbour of Narrow Shock

i The MiVord.

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 116

and Peter de Great/ at a small distance from each other,
in the Island of Madame, on the east side of the Bay of
Ganso. These I determined to take or destroy; and,
to do it effectually, having brought a shallop for the
purpose from Ganiso, I despatched her with twenty-five
armed men to Narrow Shock, whfle my boat went, well
manned and armed, to Peter de Great; and I kept off
and on with the sloop, to keep them in awe at both
places. The expedition succeeded to my wish. So
effectual was this surprise, and so genenJ the panic,
that numbers jrielded to a handful without opposition,
and never was a bloodless victory more complete. As
the shipping that were unloaded were all unrigged, I
had recourse to an expedient for despatch. I prom-
ised to leave the late proprietors vessels sufficient to
carry them home to the Island of Jersey, on condition
that they immediately fitted out and ri^d such of the
rest as might be required. This condition was readily
complied with ; and they assisted my people with unre-
mitting application, till the business was completed.
But the evening of the 25th brought with it a violent
gale of wind, with rain, which obl^ed me to anchor in
the entrance of Narrow Shock; where I rode it out,
with both anchors and whole cables a-head. Two of
our prizes, the ship Alexander and Sea Flower , had come
out before the gde began. The ship anchored under
a point and rode it out; but the schooner, after anchor-
ing, drove, and ran ashore. She was a valuable prize;
but, as I could not get her off, I next day ordered her
to be set on fire. The schooner Ebenezer, taken at
Ganso, was driven on a reef of sunken rocks, and there
totally lost; the people having with difficulty saved
themselves on a raft. Towards noon on the 2^th, the
gale began to abate. The Ship Adventure being un-
rigged and almost empty, I ordered her to be burnt. I

^ The orthography of the manusoript ki followed.

116 JOHN PAUL JONES

put to sea in the afternoon with the brigantine King-
Stan Packet, and being joined by the Alexander, went ofif
Peter de Great. I had sent an officer round in a shal-
lop to order the vessels in that harbor to meet me in
the offing, and he now joined me in the brigantine Suc-
cess, and informed me that Mr. Gallagher, (the officer
who had commanded the party in that harbor), had
left it at the begioning of the gale in the brigantine
Defence, and taken with him my boat and all the people.
I am imwilling to believe that this was done with an
evil intention. I rather think he concluded the boat
and people necessary to assist the vessel getting out,
the navigation being difficult, and the wind at that
time imfavourable; and when the gale began, I know
it was impossible for them to return.

Thus weakened, I could attempt nothing more.
With one of our brigs and the sloop, I coidd have
scoured the coast and secured the destruction of a large
boat fleet that was loading near Louisboiu^g, with the
Savage and Dawson brig only to protect them.

The fishery at Canso and Madame is effectually de-
stroyed. Out of twelve sail which I took there, I only
left two small schooners and one small brig, to convey
a niunber of unfortunate men, not short of three hun-
dred, across the Western Ocean. Had I gone further,
I should have stood chargeable with inhumanity.

In my ticklish situation it would have been madness
to lose a moment. I therefore hastened to the south-
ward, to convey my prize out of harm's way, the
Dawson brig having been within fifteen leagues of the
scene of action during the whole time.

On the 27tii I saw two sail, which we took for Quebec
transports. Unable to resist the temptation, having
appointed a three days' rendezvous on the S. W. part
of the Isle of Sable, I gave chase, but could not come
up before they had got into Louisboiug, a place where

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 117

I had reason to expect a far superior force; and there-
fore, returned, and this day I joined my prizes at the
rendezvous.

If my poor endeavors should meet with your appro-
bation, I shall be greatly rewarded in the pleasing re-
flection of having endeavored to do my duty. I have
had so much stormy weather, and been obliged, on
divers occasions, to carry so much sail, that the doop
is in no condition to continue long out of port. I am,
besides, very weak handed; and the men I have are
scarcely able to stand the deck, for want of clothing,
the weather here being very cold. These reasons in-
duce me to bend my tiiou^ts towards the continent.
I do not expect to meet with much, if any success, on
my return. But if fortune should insist upon sending
a transport or so in my way, weak as I am, I will en-
deavor to pilot him safe. It is but justice to add that
my officers and men behaved incomparably well on
the occasion.

I have the honour to be, &c. &c.

John P. Jones.

The Honourable the Marine Committee,
Philadelphia.

The Providence then proceeded to the westward, as
he relates in his last report to the marine committee,
took another whaler at Saint George's Bank, and on
the 7th of October arrived safe at Rhode Island, hav-
ing manned and sent in eight prizes, namely, six brigan-
tines, one ship, and one sloop, and sunk, burned, and
destroyed eight more, namely, six schooners, one ship,
and one brigantine, having finished his cruise in six
weeks and five days.

Here was success enough and of brilliant enough

118 JOHN PAUL JONES

quality to raise the spirits of any man. It brought
immediate reputation to Jones, and served also as a
standard of efficiency to the officers of the infant navy.

The news of these exploits was a vast encouragement
to the marine conmiittee, and made a brilliant contrast
to the inefficient management of the commander-in-
chief. The condition of the fleet was generally exceed-
ingly unsatisfactory, and the imf ortunate Hopkins had
involved himself in innumerable difficulties.

On the 8th of May, 1776, following the engagement
with the Glasgow f as previously related, a Congressional
inquiry had been ordered to look into Hopkins's man-
agement of the fleet. By a resolution of December 1
of the preceding year, eight new ships had been ordered
by Congress, two of which were to be built in Provi-
dence by a local sub-conunittee under Hopkins's direc-
tion. On his return in the spring from his unsuccess-
ful cruise, Hopkins encountei^d tremendous difficulties
in carrying out these orders, for the members of this
sub-committee were themselves engaged in privateer-
ing and took away his workmen and his supplies. As
a result of his complaints, this conunittee was dissolved
by Congress, and the entire business given into the
honest hands of his brother, Stephen Hopkins, but even
with this assistance he advanced but little the building
of the ships. Complaints of all kinds now arose as the
result of this delay, and on August 23 Hopkins went
to Philadelphia to face, personally, an inquiry as to his
disobedience of orders and the generally unsatisfac-
tory condition of the fleet. He f oimd in John Adams a
stanch friend and defender. The New England states-

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 119

man was a warm friend of Stephen Hopkins, and nat-
urally did his best to protect his brother. He admitted
the ine3^>erienee of Hopkins, but insisted that there
was no one who could lay claim to superior abilities.
Joseph Hewes thought differently; but the New Eng-
land influence was very strong in Congress, and Paul
Jones, away at sea on his cruise, had not yet demon-
strated his remarkable qualifications. No better proof
could be given of the force and persuasiveness which
Adams possessed than his success in saving Hopkins at
this time from the results of his incompetency. He
was let off with a secret vote of censure and hand-
somely given another chance to redeem himself. The
captured English brig, the Hawk^ was rechristened the
Hopkins in his honor, and he received orders on August
28 to proceed at once on board of her to Newf oimdland.
Once more Adams had carried his way against 'Hime
and tide." >

Now, indeed, was the time for Hopkins to bestir
himself and to get something done in spite of all ob-
structions and diflSiculties, but he was quite incapable
of meeting the emergency. Not one ship was he able
to man and get to sea. The ship which had been
named for him, and in which he had been ordered to
set forth for the British fisheries in Canada, did not

t John Jay, writing to RutledgOi eaqareased his astonishment at this
extraordinary leniaicy: ''MHiiat is your fleet and noble Admiral doing?
What meekness and ¥^om and tender-hearted charity. I cannot think
€i it with patience, nothing but more than ladylike delioaoy could have
pvevailed on your august body to secrete the sentence they passed upon
that petty genius. I reprobate such mincing little sigsag wajrs €i doing

120 JOHN PAUL JONES

He wrote to Congress complaimng that there were
so many privateers that it was difficult to man the ships.
Congress waited imtil the 10th of October, and then,
annoyed but patient still, issued an order for him to
go out inunediately with the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot,
and Hampden, and to sail southward for Cape Fear.
Again the ships did not sail. The unlucky Hopkins,
now realizing that strong effort was imperative, made
a desperate fight in the Rhode Island Assembly to get
an embargo passed against the manning of privateers.
He appealed to his old friends in the State and worked
day and night to get the measure passed. He lost by
only two votes. He then wrote in despair to Congress,
asking for an order to seize the Continental sailors who
had been engaged in privateers, but Congress failed to
support him. Hopkins, now thoroughly exasperated,
lost his head and expressed himself with blasphemous
intensity in regard to Congress, who were ordering him
to sail and continually preventing him by their support
of the privateers. It is impossible not to sympathize
with the helpless victim of Congress, which had raised
him, at no request of his own, to a position which he
was unfitted to occupy and then, for material and in-
terested reasons, refused to interfere with the priva*
teers who were stealing all the available seamen. While
he was struggling helplessly with these conditions in
the August heat in Philadelphia, and under the fire of
Congressional examination, Jones was off at sea. Free
and untrammelled in his one fast little ship, with unre-
stricted orders from Congress, he was sailing on vic-
toriously, taking prize after prize, fairly revelling in this

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 121

first opportunity of using his remarkable talents, and
exulting in his success.

Jones's official reports to the marine conmiittee are
naturally concise, but they show that he always obeyed
orders with scrupulous care when they were issued to
him, and used his judgment with brilliant success when
freedom was granted him.

The 22d of October, after his return to Boston, he
was directed by Hopkins to go northward for the prin-
cipal purpose of rescuing a himdred American prisoners
who were working in the coal-mines at Isle Royale.
It was also intended to attack the fisheries in New-
f oimdland. Jones was delighted with the prospect of
freeing the prisoners, and declared that it ^'aroused at
once all his feelings of humanity.'' Hopkins thus del-
egated his own ordera from Congiess, whfle he re-
mained on land to wrestle with the question of the
privateers. He put Jones in command of the Alfred,
the Providence, and the Hampden; but as it was im-
possible to man them all, Jones set sail on the 27th
with but two ships, the Alfred and the Hampden, the
latter in conmiand of Captain Hoysted Hacker, who
promptly ran his vessel on a ledge of rock just outside
the harbor, compelling Jones to put back to his anchor-
age. The season was already very late for this north-
em expedition, and delay was naturally most exasper-
ating to the man who had just won his first laurels and
was eager for further triumphs. Restless as a racer,
it was perfectly natural that he should have been irri-
tated by this unnecessary accident, but most imfor-
tunate as well as imwise that he should have vented his

122 JOHN PAUL JONES

irritation upon Admiral Hopkins, who had given him
his command and who was in no way responsible for
Hacker's stupidity.

The old sea-captam had witnessed the success of
Jones up to this point with no evidence of jealousy or
resentment. He had given him his captain's commis-
sion, and had just put him in command of the only
available ships in the fleet. Jones wrote him a letter
of complaint which Hopkins considered an undeserved
affront. It was the last straw, and his temper finally
gave way. His letter to Jones in reply is significant
of his resentment and his sense of injustice:

Providbncb, Oct. 28, 1776.
Sra:—

I received your disagreeable letter, and you are
hereby directed to go immediately to Newport with
tiie Alfred, and if you think the Hampden w31 not do
for the cruise, are to take the Providence in her room,
and follow the former directions. If I can, I wiU be
in Newport tomorrow.

I am your friend,

EZEK HOPKINB.

This is a brief and simple enough epistle, but its im-
portance at this point is great, for it shows the moment
of actual collision between Jones and Hopkins, and
marks the turning-point in the latter's attitude toward
his aspiring subordinate. From this point on, Hop-
kins's hand was against Jones, and he lost no oppor-
tunity to thwart and torment him. On the 30th of
October, Jones, still on land, wrote to Congress to ex-
press his annoyance at the delay, asserting that if the

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 123

ships had sailed earlier something might have been
accomplished.

On his return to Boston at the end of October he wrote
another and very interesting letter to his friend Hewes,
beguiling his impatience with the relief of expression.

Jones had contemplated with dismay the results of
the mania for privateering which had taken possession
of the colonists. Every day the Continental seamen
were lured away to these privately owned vessels, and
half the fleet lay empty in the harbor. Astonished and
di^usted by this revelation of character in the people
whose cause he had so enthusiastically embraced, he
poured out his feelings to his patron as to a man of
disinterested candor, protesting his belief that he, at
least, was governed by the noblest motives.

When I put in here with the Providence, as she has
been four months off the ground, my intention was to
scrub her bottom, repair her sails and rigging, and
proceed to cruise off Sandy Hook, and from thence re-
turn to Philadelphia. I was prevented from this by
the Commodore's proposing to me to take command of
the present expedition against the Coal Fleet off Cape
Briton and Fidiery of New Foundland with the Alfred,
Hampden, and Providence. — ^I was obliged to take all
the men out of the Providence and her Prizes which
made up my number to about one hundred and forty.
— I set out with the Alfred and the Hampden, the latter
under the command of Captain Hacker, who ran his
vessel on a rock at the very entrance of the harbor,
compelling me to put back. This misfortime obliged
me to shift Captam Hacker and all his men into the
Providence and is by a second loss of time a material
drawback to my prospect of success.

124 JOHN PAUL JONES

Our infant Navy is by no means well established, nor
under proper regulations, while self interest prevails.
Unless the private emolument in individuals in our
Navy is made equal, if not superior to that of our
enemies in these Iron times, we cannot hope to repel
their force. I am informed, and I have reason to be-
lieve it to be too true, that even some of the Gentlemen
appointed to fit out the new frigates, are concerned in
privateers, and not only wink at, but encourage and
employ deserters from the Navy. What puni^mient
is equal to such baseness? And yet these men pretend
to love their country. In the English fleet, though
they impress the seamen — ^the Crown gives up the cap-
tors all they take, and even allow them a bounty for
several things. — ^^iid can America expect to raise from
nothing a Navy able to repel the powerful enemy, while
she holds out scarce a tlurd of the encouragement? —
The supposition is absurd. Both the Army and Fleet
have experienced the evil effects of such sentiments
already, and will experience worse consequences if her
mode is not altered. Inclosed I send you a copy of a
comparative state of wages in our Navy and in English
Fifth Rates — ^it was made in New Hampshire and sent
here by Captain Olney. It is a matter, however, that
doth not in any wise concern me — as I have no family
or dependants, and probably never will have any — ^I
am easily provided for, and not in the least uneasy on
my own accoimt.

On the 2d of November he set sail again in the Alfred^
in company with the Providence, for Newfoundland.
Jones had found only thirty men on board the flag-ship
of the squadron when he was put in command. With
much difficulty he managed to double the number,
but the ships were not only pitifully short-handed, but

Joseph Hewbb.

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 126

ill-supplied with water, food, and clothing. He was
inunediately deserted by the cowardly and inefficient
Captain Hacker, who gave him the shp in the f og, and
returned in the Providence to Newport. Jones was now
left to sail alone in the face of difficulties that would
have discouraged an ordinary man. He had been de-
layed by no fault of his own imtil the hostile coasts he
was to visit were boimd in ice. The sea was tempest-
uous, he was buffeted by almost continual gales, and
blanketed with the impenetrable white fogs of the
northem latitudes. However, he was once more free
and afloat, and, perfectly undaimted, he threw all his
incomparable powers into the venture, exulting in its
dangers and inspiring his ill-clad and scanty crew with
his fwn buin^ en^usiasm. To his bitter regret he
found the harbor at Isle Royale solidly frozen over upon
his arrival, and with his smaU force did not dare to
make a land attack for the piupose of freeing the pris-
oners. The first and most cherished purpose of the
expedition was thus defeated, first, by the delay in sail-
ing, due to Hacker's stupidity, and, secondly, by his
cowardly desertion. Jones, nevertheless, broxight the
cruise to a brilliant conclusion. The manner in which
he conducted it was typical of all his successes, which
were invariably won by superior skill and daring from
overwhelming odds, wrenched, as it were, from the very
jaws of defeat. He was delighted with his crew, who
were equally devoted to him, and with truly disinter-
ested patriotism he paid their wages out of his own
pocket on their retum to Providence. The men who
sailed with Jones in the Alfred and Providence were as

126 JOHN PAUL JONES

notable for their patriotism in those dajrs of privateers
as their captaini who, as a matter of fact, found them
the very best supporters whom he was ever destined to
command in the whole course of his career.

Jones sent in his accoimt of this cruise in due course
to the marine committee, but the best narrative is con-
tained in the journal which he drew up at his leisure for
Louis XVI, in the year 1786.

On the 2nd of November I took off the Coast of Ar-
cadie a Liverpool ship, and soon after, near Louis-
boiu^, I also took the MeUish, a lai*ge armed vessel
having two marine officer and a captain m the land
service on board with a company of soldiers. The
Meai^h was canying a thous^d complete unifonns
for the army of Generals Carleton and Burgoyne. The
Promdence having left the AJfred, without the slightest
reason, during the night, I was left alone in the bad
season off the enemy's coasts, but altho' I was incom-
moded with my prisoners, I was not willing to give up
my plans. I made a descent upon the coast of Area-
die. I burned a valuable transport which the enemy
had run agroimd. I also burned the warehouse and
transports intended for the Cod and Whale business.
There was much oil in the warehouses. I then took
off the Isle Royale three transports and a fourth laden
with cod and furs. I learned through one of these
transports that the harbor of Isle Royale was frozen
over, which rendered my proposed expedition impos-
sible. My prizes were escorted by the Flora (the
enemy's) frigate which was invisible in the fog, al-
thou^ only a short distance away. The next day I
took a Liverpool corsair carrying sixteen guns, and
then I set sail to convoy my prizes to the United States.

Off Boston I again encountered the frigate Milford

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 127

the Alfred carrying few seamen and many prisoners
was very inferior in force, and I would have much
preferred avoiding an engagement which promised me
no advantage but my prizes, particularly the MeUish,
forced me to risk eveiything. At the approach of night,
I took my position between the prizes and the enemy,
and put up a signal light, attracting the enemy in this
way to a pursuit. This strat^y saved the prizes,
(which under cover of night succeeded in getting away).
The next day I managed to effect my escape after a
serious engagement with the Milfard, which was inter-
rupted and finished at nightfall by a violent storm. I
arrived in Boston with only two days' water and pro-
visions left. My prizes got in safdy with the excep-
tion of one of the smallest which fell into the hands of
the enemy.

The news of the uniforms taken on board the Mellish
raised the courage of the army imder General Wash-
ington's command, which was almost destitute of cloth-
ing. This timely and imexpected relief contributed
not a little to the success of the army at Trenton, which
took place immediately after my arrival in Boston. I
paid off the crews of the Alfred and Providence from
my own funds, and lent the rest of my ready mon^
to Congress.

It was the middle of December before Jones again ar-
rived in Boston, and he returned not to enjoy the fruit of
his triiunphs, but to battle against the jealousy which
they had aroused. Hopkins was hopelessly alienated and
lost no opportunity to show his hostility. He became
more and more deeply involved in the difficulties of his
situation and more and more incapable of dealing with
them. The two new vessels which with much difficulty
he had succeeded in completing lay empty in the har-

128 JOHN PAUL JONES

bor on account of the refusal of Congress to authorize
the seizing of the Continental sailors who had deserted
to the privateers. Finally, as the crowning and com-
plete disaster, the English fleet, with fifty sail, de-
scended upon the Rhode Island coasts and blockaded
him in Narragansett Bay. In the face of this last and
overwhelming misfortune, the old man lost both his
temper and his judgment completely and gave a pit-
iable example of helpless rage and inefiBiciency. He
gave orders and revoked them. He broke out into
blasphemous attacks against Congress, and he vented
his displeasure in particular acts of hostility against
Jones. Just before the latter's departure on his second
northern cruise, Hopkins had directed him to seize
some Continental seamen whom he had found on board
the Rhode Island privateer called the Eagle. The
owners of this ship sued Jones for heavy damages, and
upon his return to Boston he found that Hopkins had
declined to defend him in the suit, on the groxmds that
his orders had not been given in writing. It is not sur-
prising that Jones was di^gusted at this desertion. On
the 12th of Januaiy he wrote the following unrestrained
opinion of the conunander-in-chief to his friend Hewes:

Boston, 12th January, 1777.
Honored Sm:

Enclosed I send a copy of my last to you, before I
left Rhode Idand with the Alfred and Providence.
Since, as I now xmderstand, you were not at that time
returned from Carolina to Congress so that the Origi-
nal hath not perhaps found its way to your hands. I
would not wish the Sentiments in it to escape your pe-

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 129

rusal for tho' I have expressed mysdi with a freedom
becoming an honest man^ yet every word is dictated
from a heart that esteems you with perfect gratitude.
For the particulars of my late cruise I beg leave to re-
fer you to my letters to the Marine Board. I took a
prize which by the within letters you will see I intended
for No. Carolina but to my no small concern the prize-
master hath thought proper to break his orders and to
go into Dartmouth in this state altho' he had on board
a full sufficiency of eveiything to have enabled him to
pursue his voyage. In nke manner the captain of the
Providence thou^t proper to dii^)ense with his orders
and give me the slip in the nighty which entirely over-
set the expedition. If such doings are permitted, the
Navy wiU never rise above contempt. The aforesaid
noble captain doth not imderstand the first case of plain
trigonometiy , yet it is averred that he hath the honor
and that his abilities have enabled him to command
a passage boat between Rhode Island and Providence
long before the war was b^un. There is a fellow who
calls himself a commodore, and who keeps us at awftil
distance by wearing an English broad pendant. He
had latdy the honor of being a stick officer, vulgarly
called boatswains' mate in an En^ish man of war, and
was duly qualified for that high station, if Fame says
true, as appears by his deigning to read En^ish. Be-
sides among many evident proofs of his abilities as Post
Captain, t£at m^t be eniunerated— this notable one
may perhaps be sufficient— for it seems that in his ab-
sence he directs his first Lieutenant to take orders from
the Boatswain — Nay 'tis said that on certain occasions
he takes the speaking trumpet out of the Lieutenant's
hand on tiie quarter deck and delivers it on the fore-
castle to tiie Boatswain. To be very serious, that such
deq)icable characters should have obtained commis-
sions as Commodores in- a Navy is truly astonishing.

130 JOHN PAUL JONES

and would pass for romance with me unless I had been
convinced by my senses of the sad reality. I could
easily enumerate many other characters as truly orig-
inal as commission officers, but it gives me extreme pain
to be imder the necessity of attacking private char-
acters. It is however some consolation^ indeed a great
one, that this depravity is not universal. Among other
deserving characters that belong to the fleet, I am
happy from personal acquaintance to mention Cap-
tarn McNeill as a gentleman who will do honor to tihe
service. I have conceived a veiy good opinion also of
Captain Thompson from some accounts which I have
heard. I need not therefore name this great man, this
Commodobb; tho' I will if called upon? and in the
meantime I aver that he is altogether unfit to com-
mand a frigate of thirty two guns.

As I will probably write you again veiy soon, I will
add no more at this time.
I am with gratitude and esteem,

Hon. Sir,

Your most oblidged

Veiy humble servant

J.P.J.
Endorsed: Copy of a letter to the Honble

J. ^WES, Esqr.
By Express from Councfl.

Two days after Jones wrote this letter he received
written orders from Hopkins to give up the command
of the Alfred, in favor of Captain Hinman, and to go
back to tihe smaller ship the Providence. In justice to
Hopkins it is necessaiy to state that the letter in ^diich
he announced his supersedure to Captain Jones con-
tained a statement that Hinman had informed him that
he had a commission from Congress which placed him

PIBST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 131

ahead of Jones. There is no evidence in Hopkins's
letter that he himself had received any such communi-
cation from Congress, and without such orders the act
of displacing Jones from the Alfred was imjustified and
calculated to inflict the deepest pain and injury. A
few days subsequent to this Hopkins delivered him-
self entirely into the hands of his enemies by a truly
absurd example of inefficiency. The Diamond^ an Eng-
lish frigate, had run aground at Warwick Neck. The
En^ish fleet was thirty hours away, and Hopkins had
ample time to seize or destroy the ship, but he con-
sumed so much time in contradictory orders and un-
necessaiy delay that she made her escape.

A full accoimt of this affair was written by a Mr.
Vesey, a volxmteer who had gone aboard the Prav-
idence when Hopkins took her out to capture the Dior
mond. This account, most unfavorable to Hopkins,
was put into Jones's hands. It is creditable to Jones
that at this juncture he was still much too mindful of
the interests of the common cause to openly publish
it, but he sent it to his friend Robert Morris, leaving
it to his discretion as to whether it should be read
before the marine committee:

Boston, January 21^, 1777,
Honored Sib:—

In consequence of the changes which have taken
place in my situation since my letters to you of 12th,
and 18th current were forwarded from hence, — ^I have
written the within letter to the Marine Board which
I must entreat you to look over and lay before them or
not as you may judge most expedient. My grateful
deptodence has been and is on yourself so that I sub-

132 JOHN PAUL JONES

mit my free sentiments to you with the most implicit
confidence. If Mr. H. is at present at Congress— as
there is no man whom I respect more than himself —
if you please, I should be thankful could he also have
an oppy. of looking over the letter. — ^When you look
over the enclosed memorandum which I took down
from the mouth of my late prize Master (Mr. Vesey)
you will, perhaps, think the Accoxmt more extraor-
dinaiy than even the noted Affair with the Glasgow.
I Bin not yet sufficiently informed to risque my Opin-
ion. I have the honor to be with Perfect Esteem and
Req)ect,

Sir, your truly Obliged and veiy humble servant

J- P. J.
The Honble. R. M.

(Indorsement)
No. 9

BoBTON, January 21, 1777.

Copy of letter to the Honble. Robert Morris, Esqr.
by Mr. Livingston's Express.

On the same day on which Jones wrote the letter
to Morris in regard to Hopkins's disgraceful manage-
ment of the Diamond episode, he wrote an open letter
to the marine conmiittee in which he laid before them
his treatment by Hopkins. This letter contains some
of his justly celebrated phrases in regard to the qual-
ifications of a naval officer, and is therefore quoted
in full. The passage italicised was adopted for use in
the curriculum of Annapolis as early as the year 1876.
It was set as a motto for a theme in the Eki^ish de-
partment at the Academy— and since 1895 has been
posted on the first leaf of the note-books used by the
midshipmen in that department.

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 133

Boston, 21st January y 1777.
Gentlesbien:—

Inclosed you have copies of my letters from the
time of my departure on the late Expedition from
Rhode Island down to the 12th current. I am now to
inform you that by a letter from Commodore Hop-
kins on board the Warren^ Januaiy 14th, 1777, which
came to my hands a day or two ago, I am superseded
in the conunand of the Alfred in favor of Captain
Hinman, and ordered back to the sloop in Providence
River, whether this Order doth or doth not supersede
also yoiu* Orders to me of the 10th ulto. you can best
determine; however, as I understand the late Expe-
dition at his request from a "Principle of Humanity''
I mean not to make a difficulty about trifles especially
when the good of the service is to be consulted. As
I am imconscious of any neglect of duty or misconduct
since my appointment at the first as Eldest Lieutenant
of the Navy, I cannot suppose that you have intended
to set me aside in favor of any man who did not at
that time bear a Captain's conunission, unless indeed
that man by exerting his Superior abilities, hath r^i-
dered or can render more important Services to Amer-
ica, those who st^'t forth at the first in Ships alto-
gether unfit for War, were generally considered rather
as frantic than as Wise men, for it must be remem-
bered that aknost everything then made against them,
and altho' the Success in the affair with the Glasgow
was not equal to what it mi^t have been, yet the
blame ought not to be general. The Principle, or
Principals in conmiand alone are Culpable, and the
other Officers while they stand unimpeached have their
full Merit. There were it is true, divers Persons from
misrepresentation put into commission at the b^^-
ning, without fit qualification, and perhaps the num-
ber may have been increased by later appointments,
but it follows not that the gentiieman or man of merit

134 JOHN PAUL JONES

shotild be n^ected or overlooked on their account;
none other them a genUeman, as well as a Seaman both
in Theory and Practice, is qual^ied to support the Char^
acter of a commission ojfficer in ffie Navy, nor is any Man
fit to command a ship of War, who is not also capable of
communicating his ideas on paper in Language that be-
comes his Rank; if this be admitted, the foregoing As-
sertion wH be sufficiently Proved, but if farther proof
is required; it can be easily produced.

When I entered into the Service, I was not actuated
by Motives of Self Interest. I stept forth as a free
citizen of the World in defence of the Violated Rights
of Mankind, and not in search of Riches whereof, I
thank God, I inherit a sufficiency, but I should prove
my d^eneracy were I not in the highest degree Te-
nacious of my rank and seniority. As a Gentleman
I can yield this point up only to a Gentleman of Su-
perior Abilities and of superior Merit, and imder such
a Man it is my highest Ambition to learn.

As this is the first time of my having Expressed the
least Anxiety on my own Accoimt, I must entreat
yoiu* Patience until I account to you for the Reason
which hath drawn from me this Freedom of Senti-
ment. It seems that Captain Hinman's Commission
is No. 1, and that in consequence he who was at first
my Jimior Officer by Eight, hath expressed himself
as my Senior Ojfficer, in a manner which doth himself
no honor, and which doth me signal Injury. There
are also in the Navy persons who have not shown me
fair Play after the Services which I have rendered
them. I have even been blamed for the Civilities
which I have shown to my Prisoners, at the request
of one of whom I herein inclose an Appeal, which I
must b^ you to lay before the Congress. Could you
see the Appellant's accomplished lady, and the three
Innocents, their children, Arguments in their behalf
would be lumecessary. As the base-minded only are

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 135

capable of inconsistences, you will not blame my free
Soul which can never stoop where I cannot also Es-
teem. Could I; which I never can, bear to be super-
seded I should indeed deserve your contempt and total
n^ect. I am therefore to entreat you to employ me
in the most enterprising and Active service, account-
able to your honorable Board only for my Conduct,
and connected as much as possible with Gentlemen
and Men of sense.

When I was fitting out for my late expedition at
Rhode Island, the persons concerned in Privateers
inveigled away the Seaman so fast that Commodore
HopUns repeatedly gave me express Orders that when-
ever I met with a Rivateer, I should cause her to be
strictly searched, and if I found a single Man belonging
to the fleet I must take out all who had deserted and
as many more as I thought proper, so that I left a num-
ber barely sufficient to Navigate the Vessel into Port.

In consequence of this Chxier I sent my Boat to
examine the Privateer Schooner Eagle in Taipawling
Cove, and finding two Men belonging to the fleet, and
two more belonging to the Rhode Island Brigade,
concealed in such remote parts of the Vessel that my
Officer was obliged to brelEik open a bulkhead before
he could come at them. I took them with Twenty
others on board the Alfred and proceeded. To my
great surprise I have now received a letter from my
Attorney Col. Tillinghast, of Providence informing
me that an Action hath been entered against me there,
by Samuel Abom and the persons concerned in the
IMvateer for Ten Thousand Pounds Lawful Money,
altho' the Vessel was then inward boimd, but what is
truly Astonishing is, that the Commodore (as I am in-
formed) should prevaricate in the matter. Because
forsooth, the Order was not given in writing. I do not
apprehend that he means to justify me in it; however
be the consequence what it will, I glory in having been

136 JOHN PAUL JONES

the first who hath broke thro' the shameful Abuses
which have be^i too long practiced upon the Navy
by Mercenaries whose governing principle hath been
that of self interest.

Colo. Tilhnghaflt hath entered an action against
the Owners of a Privateer^ in behalf of the Continent
for the same sum, and the first Monday of next Month
this important Cause is to be determined.

One of my Prizes with Coal from Cape Broton got
into Rhode Island and was rotaken after standmg
the firo of three of the Enemy's Ships; another of the
Coal Ships was rotaken, and carried to New York by
the Frigate that chased the Alfred on the edge of St
George's Bank, but it doth not appear that she rotook
the John. The Adioe and MeUish aro safe at Dart-
mouth, the Kitty, is in this Port, so that the John,
and one of the Coal Transports, aro the only Prizes
whereof we have had any Accoimt, the first Frigate
that chased me in the Providence was the Solebay, that
within the Isle of Sable was the MUford.

I am now employing myself to settle the Alfred^s
and Providence^ 8 Books and pay off the Men whose
term of Entry is expired, when I have the honor of
hearing from the Board, I must request that the Let-
ters may be forwarded thro' the hands of Messrs.
Livingston and TumbuU of this City, meantime I
have the Honor to be with great Respect and Esteem,
Gentlemen,

Your Very Obliged
Very Obedient

and most humble servant.

J. P. J.
The Horable

The Marine Board.

(Indorsement)

The Honble; The Marine Board of Boston, 21 Jan-
uaiy, 1777.

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 137

Later note added by Jones to copy in his own hand
retained by him:

At this time I was uninformed of the arrangement of
naval rank for Captains (adopted) the 10th Oct. 1776.

No direct reply was ever made by either Morris
himself or the marine board to this moderate and dig-
nified appeal. A far more serious injustice of the
same kind had actually been authorized by the board
in the place they had permitted to be assigned to
Jones on the new list of naval appointments. Of this
new list, as stated in the above indorsement, Jones
was at this time completely ignorant. It had been
made out and confirmed on October 10, in the autunm
of the preceding year, when he was away on his first
northern cruise and before the added triumphs of his
second had so largely increased his reputation. The
marine committee, imable to alter the adopted list
of naval appointments, sought for some means of ren-
dering justice to the hero of these exploits and of
fumidiing him opportunity for further d^ds of daring.

On the 5th of Februaiy they issued orders for him
to take full command of the fleet, and to proceed to
the southward to operate against Pensacola, which
orders were conveyed to him in the following lett^
from Robert Morris:

FmLADELPmA, FA^y \zt, 1777.
John Paul Jonbs, Esqr.
Sir:
I have frequently received your letters advising
me the particulars of your several Cruizes, and with
pleasure [assure?] you the contents in every instance
have been veiy acceptable, always entertaining and

138 JOHN PAUL JONES

in many parts useful. These letters I have from time
to time communicated to the Members of the Marine
Committee all of whom express their sati^action with
your conduct. You would no doubt expect an answer
from them to your proposal for a Cruize this winter
on the coast of Africa, and such they intended to give
you long since, but the confusion occasioned by tibeir
removal from this City, and the multiplicity of busi-
ness that has unavoidably crowded on every member
of Congress put it out of their power to give that at-
tention to your department that they would alwajrs
wish to cany into every American concern. Thus
circumstanced they never doubted that your Active
genius would find useful emplo3rment for the Ship
under your command, as you were so near the Com-
modore and could go cloatiied with his authority, and
they have not be^i disappointed, for you have in that
way made a most useful and successful voyage to Cape
Breton and thence to Boston. Major Frazer passing
through this City (which I have never left) sent me
an Account of that Cruize, which appeared to be in
your own handwriting. Pleased with your success I
transmitted it to Congress, and wrote that if they
pleased I would point out an enterprise or two for you
to imdertake and leave the choice to yourself. This
was agreed to and my present design is to fulfil that
promise. When I made it I had in view either to
gratify your desire, by xmdertaking an expedition as
you proposed to the Coast of Africa, or to gratify my
own by undertaking what I think will prove a more
useful one nearer home.

I have pretty good information that there is sta-
tioned at Pensacola only two or three Sloops of war
from 10 to 16 Guns and that at that place there is not
less than 100 pieces of Artillery which our armies are
much in want of. These insignificant Sloops of war
lay thare in perfect security, and now and then take

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 139

a Cruize along the Coast of Georgia and Carolina.
Should they be met with they will immediately b^
come your Prizes. Should they be out of the way Pen-
sacola may become the more easy prey. It is true that
Qovr. Chester has been tiying to put that place in a
State of defence, but he has no troops and the Inhabi-
tants will never defend it; therefore, my plan is that
you should take the Alfred, Columbus, Cabot, Hamjh
den and Sloop Providence— proceed just to the Island
of St. Christophers where a Sudden and unexpected
attack will carry that place being veiy defenceless.
There is a number of Cannon and Stores there, as well
as Merchandise of various sorts that we are in want
of, and I fancy you will make a considerable booty.
This, however, is not what I have so much in view as
to alarm not only the Inhabitants but the whole Brit-
iah Nation. It will oblige the Ministers to provide for
the security and protection of every Island they have,
and that means tliis must divide their forces and leave
our coasts less carefully guarded.

From St. Kitts (where your stay must be short) you
can proceed down to Pensacola. I apprehend the best
passage mi^t be down the South side of Hispaniola,
and ti^en you might give an alarm to the North side
of Jamaica by putting into some of the Ports there,
cutting out their ships, &c, in all which you must be
expeditious or their fleets will be after you. Should
you decline medling with Jamaica the best passage
will be down the North side of Hispaniola, through the
passage of Cape St. Nicholas and Cape Maize and
then down the north side of Cuba. When you arrive
at Pensacola it may be well to send a Brigantine &
Sloop to Cruize to the Mouth of the Mississippi so
long as you remain in that quarter, but they should
wear English colors and never go so near into the Ba-
lize as to be known for anjrthing but English Cruizers.
There is at this time not less ^an £100,000 Sterling

140 JOHN PAUL JONES

value in goods up that River. The Remittances for
which will come away in the Months of March, April
and May, in Indigo, Rice, Tobacco, Skins and Furs,
so that this alone is an object worthy of your attention.
But as I have said before, destroying their settlements,
spieading alanns, showing and keeping up a spirit of
enterprise that will oblige them to defend their exten-
sive possessions at all points, is of infinitely more con-
sequence to the United States of America than all
the Plxmder that can be taken. If they divide their
forces we shall have elbow room and that gamed we
shall turn about and play our parts to the best
advantage, which we cannot do now, being constantly
cramped in one part or another. It has long been
dear to me that our Infant fleet cannot protect our
own Coasts; and the only effectual relief it can afford
us is to attack the enemy's defenceless places and
thereby oblige them to station more of their Ships
in their own Countries, or to keep them employed in
following ours, and either way we are relieved so far
as they do it. I do not pretend to give you any ac-
coxmt of the Coasts and Harbours, strengdi of Foreti-
fications or mode of attack, for I cannot doubt your
being well Acquainted with these things, knowing as
I do that you have been a Commander in the West
India trade, and at any rate your appearance will be
imexpected and the enemy imprepared. They have
no Troops and the veiy soimd of a great Gim will
frighten them into submission. Governor Chester will
no doubt know where the Brass Artilleiy are deposited
and be Glad to surrender them as a Ransom for him-
self and his Capital.

When your busmess is done at Pensacola you may
give them an alarm at St. Augustine but they have
some Troops & you must be careful of your men. I
think you should carry with you as many Marines
as possible, for they will be useful & Necessary in all

PIRfiT INDEPENDENT COMMAND 141

your Land excursions. The Southern Colonies vneb.
to see part of their Navy, and if you find it convenient
and safe you might recruit and refit at Georgia, South
or North Carolina, there make a sale of such part of
yoiu* Prize goods &c as would be useful to them, learn
where there was the safest Port to the Northward,
and then push along to such place of safety as might
be necessaiy for refitting and remanning the fleet.

Should you prefer going to the Coast of Africa, you
have the consent of the Marine Committee, but in
that case I apprehend you only want the two ships
and the Sloop Protndence. Remember, it is a long
voyage. That you cannot destroy any English settle-
ments there, and that if you meet any of their men-of-
war in those seas they will be much superior to you in
strength &c. You may, it is true, do tiiem mudh mis-
chief, but the same may be done by Cruizing to Wind-
ward of Barbadoes as all of their Guinea Men fall in
there. However, you are left to your choice and I am
sure will choose for the best. Should there be a dif-
ficulty in getting all the Vessels fully manned with so
many Seamen as you may think necessaiy, take the
more Marines and you will get seamen from Prizes
in the Course of your Voyage* It is a Standing In-
struction from the Manbe Committee to the Com-
manders in the American Navy to be careful of their
ships, their Materials and Stores; to use well their
Officers and men, preserving, however, strict discipline.
To treat Prisoners with humanity and generosity and
to keep them advised of their proceedings as frequently
as circimistances will admit.

Wishing you success, I am Sir,

Your hble servant,

Robert Mobbib V: P:

P. S: — ^If you get the brass Pieces send them into
the first Port in these states and have them valued.

142 JOHN PAUL JONES

The magnitude of these orders came as a complete
surprise to Jones^ who was not only ignorant of the
degree of the impression which his exploits had made
upon the marine committee^ but also of the deaie of
Congress to undo an injustice hitherto unsuspected by
him. Hopkins^ thoroughly inimical^ refused to carry
out the orders of Congress. No sooner had he received
the orders than he sent the Cabot out for a six weeks'
cruise^ ordering out also the Hampden and the Alfred,
under Hinman. Having thus disposed of three of
the available ships of the fleet; he announced to Jones
that it was impossible for him to carry out the orders
of Congress. After waiting until the 28th of Febru-
ary, Jones wrote to Hopkins:

It is unnecessaiy for me to inform you, as I have
abeady done, that I am appointed by a letter from the
Honorable l4*esident of the Marine Committee, dated
the 5th ciurent, to take conmiand of the Alfred, Co-
lumbm, Cabot, Hampden and sloop Providence, and
to call on you for every possible assistance within
your power, to enable me to proceed forthwith on a
private enterprise of the great^t importance to Amer-
ica. The letter has the sanction and the full authority
of Congress. It is written in their names. There-
fore, Sir, I repeat my application, and demand your
hearty and complete concurrence with me in the outfit.

It is in vain for you to afifect to disbelieve my appoint-
ment. I should have appeared personally at Provi-
dence had you not justified my conduct by leaving
me as you have done in the lurdi.^

I could have convinced you of its being your indes-
pensible duty to give me every possible assistance.

ref an to thie affair with the BagU.

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 143

When I placed confidence in you I did not think you
capable of prevarication. I then, when you needed
friendS; gave you most convincing proof of my sin-
cerity; ti^ you must remember.

I asked Captain Saltonstall how he could in the
beginning suspect me as you have told me, cff being
unfriendly to America. He seemed astoni^ed at the
question and told me it was yourself who promoted
it. However, waiving everything of a private nature;
the best way is to co-operate cheerfully together that
the public service may be forwarded, and that scorn
may yet forbear to point the finger at a fleet under
your command.

I am in earnest in desiring to do everjrthing with
good nature; therefore to remove your doubts if you
have any, I send you this by express, to inform you
that I will meet you at Pawtucket, or at any other
place, on as early a day as you please to appoint, and
will then produce credentials to your satisfaction. In
the meantime it is your duty to prevent the departure
of the Cabot, or any other vessel of the squadron. I
am astonished to hear that you have ordered the
Hampden out without desiring an explanation; after
you received my last letters.

My appointment was unsolicited, unexpected and
it must be owing to the hurry of business that you
have received no similar orders.

I am. Honorable Sir,
Your very obliged,

Most hiunble servant,
John Paul Jones.

P. S. I have sent by the bearer the coat which you
desired, and likewise one for Mr. Brown. If I can
render you any service here in procuring other arti-
des, acquamt me with the particulars, and my best
endeavors shall not be wanting.

144 JOHN PAUL JONES

As one of the earlier biographers of Jones remarks,
the mixture of conciliatory overtures with the per-
emptory language of this epistle shows that personal
pique was tempered with a predominating desire to
serve his adopted country at all sacrifice.

On March the 1st Hopkins replied to Jones, abso-
lutely declining to carry out the orders of Congress.
He declared that he considered it '^Impossible to get
those vessels fitted or manned for your proposed ex-
pedition/' and that he would acquaint the marine
board with his reasons.

A letter preserved among the Continental Congress
papers shows that he had actually received the orders
of Congress in due time and had disingenuously con-
cealed the fact.

Jones was now finally forced to the conclusion that
nothing was to be expected of his enemy, and de-
parted in the early days of March for Philadelphia
to lay the matter before his friends in Congress.

Hopkins had once more openly disobeyed the orders
of Congress, and was rushing rapidly toward his de-
struction. At the very moment when he was pursuing
his hostile policy toward his too successful subordi-
nate a conspiracy was set on foot which resulted in
his dismissal from the command of the fleet.

The discontent of his officers found ready instru-
ments in the hostfle representatives of the privateers,
who, by virtue of their sponsors' share in the build-
ing of the new ships, could command great influence
in Congress. Emissaries were sent to Philadelphia
who represented to the members of Congress that

FIRST INDEPENDENT COMMAND 145

the commander of the fleet had described them as a
''pack of ignorant clerics who knew nothing at all."
This was the final undoing of the imfortunate Ezek
Hopkins.

Congress could be patient with utter inefficiency^
and even forgive open disobedience of orders, but
could not pardon this insult to its dignity. Hopkins
denied that he had made these invidious remarks and
sued his detractors; but Congress, now thoroughly
partisan, actually paid out of its depleted co£Fers for
the defence of Hopkins's accusers, and a few months
later, in January, 1778, the outraged dignitaries for-
mally disgraced and removed him from his command.

His refusal to give the ships to Jones was the last
act of his hostility, but as events turned out it was
effectual in working harm to his enemy, and proved a
serious obstruction to the operations of the navy.

CHAPTER VI

SUPERSEDURE IN RANK

Ai/THOUGH Jones's removal from the command of the
Alfred had been a matter for astonishment and cha-
grin, he was so far able to subdue his natural feelings
of irritation and injustice as to speak and write of it
as a ''trifle/' His annoyance at Hopkins's refusal
to give him possession of the fleet was naturally
greater; but he was conscious of the inferior ability
and waning power of his jealous adversary, and did
not consider that this act of hostility on his part would
be of permanent effect. He believed that Congress
would carry out its plans for extensive naval opera-
tions, of which he should be the director and com-
mander, and that the minor matter of his removal
from the conunand of the flag-ship would be com-
pensated by his appointment to the command of
the whole squadron. His confidence was entirely
natural at this time, for although the orders of the
marine committee were of a magnitude which aston-
ished him, they did not surpass his own opinion of his
deserts.

In the few months which had elapsed since his ap-
pointment he had excelled all the otiier officers in the

navy by the number and brilliancy of his accomplish-

149

SUPEBSEDUKE IN RANK 147

ments, and had become without question the most
famous and important individual in the service. It
cannot be said that any lack of modesty is discernible
at this time in his valuation of himself , but that val-
uation had become necessarily dearer as he compared
himself with others and tested his own powers. His
personal ambition grew rapidly with its gratification,
but did not go beyond his grave sense of responsi-
bility or his genuine devotion to the cause of his
adopted country.

In the great crises of human history leaders are
rapidly developed. Paul Jones had conclusively de-
monstrated his pre-eminent qualifications for com-
mandi and had himself become fully conscious of the
fact. The freedom of opportunity o£Fered to him in
this, the formative period of a new nation, was now
nullified by the irregularity which necessarily charac-
terized the experimental and changing r^ulations of
its government. Much dissatisfaction had been ex«
pressed at the irregularity of the navy appointments,
and as far back as April, 1776, a resolution had been
passed by Congress ''that the nomination of captains
and commanders would not determine rank, which
should be settled before commissions were granted.'^
This resolution served to nullify any eqtiitable dauns
for priority which might be urged by any officer of any
rank whatever, and left every question of this kind
open for the definite alignment embodied in the navy
list of October 10, 1776, which exhibited a truly ex-
traordinary irregularity and disregard of merit. This
list brought forth repeated protests and aroused mani-

148

JOHN PAUL JONES

fold resentment, but Congress obstinately refused to
alter it.
The following is the list of naval appointments:

NO.

OOIOIANDBBB

YBBBBLB

OUNB

1

2
3

James Nicholson

Vinrinia

28
32
24
28
32
32
28
32
28
24
16
28
32
24
16

14
12

28
16
10
10

8
4

John Mfti^lv, - T T T ,

W «A^UAM« •••••

Hancock

Hector McNeill

Boston

Dudley Saltonstall

Nicholas Biddle

Trumbull

Randolph

Raleiffh

Thomas Thompson

John Barry ..»...»»»». r »

Effingham

Washington

Congress

Thomas Read

Thomas Grinnell

Charles Alexander

Lambert Wickes

Delaware

Reorisal

Abraham Whipple

John B. Hopkins

John Hodffe , . . , » r r , . . . r

Providence

Warren

Montgomery .....

Lexington

Hampden

Andrew Doria

Providence

William Hallock

Hovsted Hacker

Isaiah Robinson .........

Paul Jones

JAmes Josiah ...... .

Klisha Hinman .....,.,..

Alfred

Joseoh Olnev

Cabot

James Robinson

Sacham

John Younar .,.,..»»....

Independence

Ply

Ehsha Warner

Lieut. John Baldwin

Lieut. Thomas Albertson.

Wasp

MusQuito

It will be seen that James Nicholson^ of Maryland^
was put at the head of this list. It is impossible now
to assign the reasons for this appointment^ as he had
received his captain's conmiission on June 6^ 1776,
subsequent to Saltonstall, Whipple, Biddle, and John

SUPERSEDUBE IN RANK 149

B. HopkinS; who had been assigned to that rank by
the first Congressional resolution of December 22, 1775.
This was an evident injustice to these men, who bit-
terly resented the superseduie. It was likewise an
injustice to Jones, whose captain's conmiission had
been given him by Hopkins on the 10th of May, 1776,
a month previous to that of Nicholson. Tliat the
foiur captains of the original list of 1775 should have
preceded Jones was no injustice as far as priority was
concerned, nor was it wrong, for the same reason, that
Manly, sailing as captain under Washington's commis-
sion, or Barry, holding the first Congressional appoint-
ment, should precede him. With the disgrace and
removal of Hopkins, Nicholson became the ranking
officer in the navy, and its nominal head. Jones's
claim for the right to hold this important rank was
based on the fact that the conmiission issued to him
by Hancock on the 8th of August, 1776, after the
Declaration of Independence, was thus the very first
to be issued with fuU governmental authority.

That he should have hoped for the first place on the
list for this reason, and probably expected to obtain
it if the orders of Congress to put him at the head of
the fleet had been carried out, would not be surprismg.
As a matter of fact, he did not demand it, but only
contended for his proper rank, which, as he stated with
perfect truth and justice, should have been fifth in-
stead of eighteenth on the list. Even at a later period,
when only one captain of senior appointment remamed
in the service, he merely asked to be restored to his
proper place, in spite of all the 6clat of his triumphs

160 JOHN PAUL JONES

and all the influence which his friends brought to bear
to put him officially^ as he was actually^ at the head
of the navy.*

There were several reasons which brought about
this situation, the principal one being the absence of
Jones's indispensable friend, Joseph Hewes, from his
accustomed seat in Congress. Utterly worn out by
his prodigious exertions in connection with the eqtiip-
ment of the marine, he returned in September, 1776,
to North Carolina, and was absent at the time the
naval list was adopted. When the general assembly
of his State convened in the spring of 1777, he failed in
re-election to his seat in Congress, and was therefore
still absent from Philadelphia when Jones journeyed
there for the purpose of laying his wrongs before tiiat
body. Too faultless in his modest but undeniable
virtues, Hewes had aroused enmity even in happy
Edenton, and the opponents of this Southern Aristides
so vigorously luged the technical illegality ignored in
other States, of his holding seats in the North Carolina
and the Continental Congresses at one and the same
time, that he failed for this one term only of election
to the latter body. Jones therefore missed his assist-
ance in his attempt to rectify his supereedure. Other
reasons, afterward explained to Jones by Hewes, for
the injustice that had been done him were found in

1 Although on some ooeadons diq>]aying notable braTery, Ckqitain
Nioholflon was far bam fortunate in his naval services, having permitted
two frigates under his command to be captured by the enemy; and
having been guilty of writing a disrespectful letter to the Governor of
Maryland, from which State he had been appointed to the navy, he
was on May 1, 1777, suq;>ended &om his commjand.

L

SUPEBSEDUBE IN RANK 151

the fact that there was a great multitude of applica-
tions for appointments in tiie navy, and that the de-
mands of Uie towns and conmiunities which had con-
tributed funds for ship construction had to be satisfied
and their candidates recognized. Besides this, the New
England influence was still very strong in Congress,
and much jealousfy existed between the North and the
South even in those early da3rs. The superior ele-
gance and social claims of the officers coming from
the aristocratic States of Virginia and the Carolinas
aroused a natund enmity, which found expression in
the remark of Jones's antagonist, John Adams, always
a warm supporter of Hopkins, when he ill-naturedly
described Jones as ^^this stranger from the South/'
Jones was at sea on his first independent cruise,
Hewes was away, and Morris had no reason as yet for
any belief in his extraordinaiy merit, for he had re-
ceived as yet only one letter from Jones, that of Sep-
tember 4, with its brief account of his first exploits.
As a matter of fact, neither Morris nor any other
member of the marine committee were then aware of
Jones's extraordinary capacity, and in the absence of
this knowledge and of any particular advocate of his
merit, the demands of the other officers were recognized.
A few months later, on the 1st of February, when they
had heeai aroused to enthusiasm by the news of his
successes, this same marine committee, in total dis-
r^ard of the naval list they had so hurriedly adopted,
wished to put him at the head of the navy.

The characteristically clear account of the matter
contained in a letter from Jones to Morris in the year

152 JOHN PAUL JONES

1783; and which he had prepared for presentatioii to
Congress at that tune, is here appended:

I became captain by right of service and saccession;
and by order and commission of his Excellency Ezek
Hopkins, commander-in-chief, the tenth day of May

1776, at which time the captam of the Promdence was
broke and dismissed from the Navy by a Court Martial.
Having arrived in Philadelphia with a little convoy
from Boston soon after the Declaration of Indepen-
dence, President Hancock gave me a captain's com-
mission mider the United States, dated the 8th day
of August 1776. I did not at the time think that tibis
was doing me justice, as it did not correspond with
the date of my appointment by the conunander-in-
chief • It was however, I presume, the first naval com-
mission granted under the United States. And as a
resolution of Congress had bc^n passed on the 17tii day
of April 1776 that the nomination of captains should
not determine rank which was to be settled before
conunissions were granted, my conunission of the 8th
of August 1776 must by that resolution take rank of
every conunission dated the 10th of October 1776.
My duly brought me again to Philadelphia in April

1777, and President Hancock then told me that new
naval conunissions were ordered to be distributed to
the officers. He requested me to show him the cap-
tain's conunisdon he had given me the year before.
I did so. He then desired me to leave it ivith htm a
day or two, till he could find a leisure moment to fill
up a new commission. I made no difficulty when I
waited on him the day before my departure, to my
great surprise he put into my hands a conunission
dated the 10th day of October 1776, and number 18
on the margin. I told him that this was not what I
expected, and requested my former conunission. He

SUPERSEDUBE IN RANK 153

turned over various papers on the table, and at last
told me he was sony to have lost or mislaid it. He
paid me so many compliments on the service I had
performed in vessels of little force, and assured me no
officer stood higher in the opinion of Congress than
myself, a proof of which he said was my late appoint-
ment to the command of secret expeditions, with five
sail and men proportioned, against St. Eitts, Pensa-
cola, Augustine, and so forth. That the table of Naval
rank that had been adopted the 1st of October had
been drawn up in a hurry and without weU knowing
the different merits and quahfications of the officers.
That it was the intention of Congress to render im-
partial justice, and always to honor, promote and re-
ward merit. And to m3rself that I might depend on
receiving a very agreeable appointment soon after my
return to Boston, and until I was perfectly satisfied
respecting my rank, I should have separate command.

It is plainly evident from this account that the
courteous and el^ant Hancock found himself in an
awkward predicament. He was naturally in sym-
pathy with the members of the New England party
in Congress, and was of no caliber to stand out against
their claims or to remove their candidates after they
had once been appointed. Thus Jones was deprived
of his proper rank in the navy — ^rank which, to quote
his own noble and characteristic phrase, ''opens the
door to gloiy."

This injustice was destined to bring about very seri-
ous results; for although his reputation suffered littie,
an irremediable bent was given to his mind, which had
abeady shown dangerous tendencies to carry all its
processes to the extreme limit, and which finally made

154 JOHN PAUL JONES

him into a man with a grievance^ a r61e which nature
had never intended he should fill.

He bore with perfect courage and unusual philos-
ophy the results of the Mungo Maxwell afifair. With
less composure he had been overwhelmed in the sec-
ond bladk period of ill-luck which had followed the
killing of the mutineer. Just recovered from this, and
but lately emerged into the light of noble effort and
successful accomplishment^ this unjust supersedure in
rank roused a brooding sense of ill-desert to which he
too often gave utterance, and which remained to the
last the most uncfympathetic trait in his character.

Washington's fury at a like insult in the days of
his early colonial campaigns is recorded in his own
uncompromising terms. Benedict Amold's fiery and
less-balanced nature was utterly overthrown by the
same careless disregard of transcendent merit, the
same obstinate refusal to recognize and rectify a wrong.
If Congress had been guilty of errors and injustice to
the ofiKcers of its newly organized navy, it had, on the
other hand, great reasons for dissatisfaction with their
exploits. Little, indeed, had heeai done by the r^u-
lar naval forces, owing to Hopkins's incapacity and
the overwhehning predominance of the privateers.
It is astonishing to read that these privately com-
manded vessels actually captured as many as three
hundred British ships diuing the year 1776. Agri-
culture was practically abandoned in many States in
favor of this very lucrative form of enterprise, and
most of the available men were engaged by the pri-
vateers.

SUPERSEDURE IN RANK 155

The fleet under Hopkins never went out after its
first cruise to New Providence. The gallant Nicholas
Biddle, who was destined to end his brief career in
the following year^ made one cruise of a brilliancy
almost equalling those of Jones. Bany took a num-
ber of shipS; and Captain Hardy, of Connecticut, and
Captain Waters, in Manl3r's old ship, the I/ee, ci^tured
some transports with five hundred British soldiers o£F
Nantasket Roads; but most of the original fleet lay
empty and useless in Narragansett Bay. The autumn
of 1776 was, in fact, the hour of the blackest discour-
agement for the patriot cause, and the times were des-
perately critical. When Washington, at the head of
his rapidly disintegrating force, reported that many
of his men were actually naked and none of them fitly
dad for service, the news of the capture of the MeUish,
which arrived just before the battie of Trenton, came
as heaven-sent succor. The action of Congress was
calculated to deprive the country of the most efficient
officer in the navy, and yet it was only Jones's public
spirit and his noble self-f oigetf ulness which prevented
this calamity. Washington himself, at this very mo-
ment, wrote to Congress that '^the want of r^imental
promotion has abeady driven some of the best officers
that were in the Army, out of the service.'*

To understand the reasons which made such faulty
and vacillating measures possible to the government,
it is necessaiy to recall that the navy list was adopted
in the month of October, 1776, only a few weeks before
Congress fled in panic from Philadelphia. The noble
body of statesmen and orators did not acquit them-

166 JOHN PAUL JONES

selves with common-sense or common courage at this
most critical moment in the history of America. It
was the darkest hour of the Revolution. The enemy
was in possession of New York; the disaster of Long
Island had been followed by the loss of the Hudson
River forts. The army of Washington was rapidly
going to pieces, and the traitor Lee was holding back
the forces under his command from assisting the com-
mander-in-chief. The country was in despair and panic
was spreading rapidly among the people, the army,
and the members of Congress. Washington informed
the president of that body that he believed that Howe
intended immediately to take possession of Philadel-
phia. The absurd refusal of the people who were wag-
ing war against ill^al taxation to submit to the obvious
necessity of proper taxation to cany on the war kept
the treasury empty, and the no less absurd system of
short enlistments reduced the army to a miserable and
changing handful. Howe's offers of amnesty were
being widely accepted, and the ignorant brutality of
the Hessian mercenaries, which despoiled both patriot
and Tory alike, had not yet driven the hesitating
farmers to protect their homes by joining the patriot
army. Washington himself, writing privately to his
brother, declared that ^'if every nerve is not strained
to recruit the army with all possible expedition, I
think the game is up.'' In November the British ad-
vanced to Trenton, and rumors of Hessians and High-
landers inarching from Burlington toward Cooper's
Ferry threw Philadelphia into a turmoil. A wild scene
of distress ensued, with every one hurriedly departing

SUPERSEDURE IN RANK 157

except the Quakers. Congress fled precipitately to
Baltimore, leaving accounts unpaid and papers in con-
fusion. Robert Morris remained practically alone at
the seat of government to cany on its affairs. The
marine board held its sessions in Baltimore, where the
entire personnel of Congress was accommodated, with
the exception of the affluent Hancock, ^Vho hired a
whole house to himself,'' but took this opportunity
to abandon his labors as president of the governing
body to joimiey off to Boston to see "his dear Dolly,"
from whom he declared he could not bear to be sep-
arated.

John Adams, at this juncture, was also an absentee,
having rejoined his Portia for the three months' var
cation which Congress had allowed him. Although
Washington in his truly desperate state had antici-
pated an attack upon Philadelphia, John Cadwalader,
the commander of the excellent body of Philadelphia
militia called the " Silk Stocking Brigade," was furious
at the departure of Congress, and wrote indignantly
to Morris of what he considered its premature and
cowardly flight. As a matter of fact, Morris himself
was almost the only one who did not merit Cadwala-
der's reproaches. He sent his library to the country
and his wife to his relatives in Baltimore, and set
himself to the truly titanic task of directing alone
and imaided the affairs of the disoiganized govern-
ment.

Bending over this forge where new forces were to
be hammered out from the chaotic elements of a dis-
rupted and newly forming civilization, he gave every-

158 JOHN PAUL JONES

thing which he was and owned to the cause of human
Kberty.

A letter, written just four days before the unlooked-
for victory of Triton iUumined what had hitherto
been unrelieved darkness and discouragement, gives
a picture detailed and even humorous of the unique
situation in which he found himself:

The sudden departure of Ck)ngress from this place,
seems to be a matter of much speculation, and people
who judge of events, think they have been too pre-
cipitate; be that as it may, many things are thrown
into great confusion by it, and I find ample employ-
ment in applying remidies when I can. The unfin-
ished business of the Maritime and Secret Committees
I intend to confine myodt to, but I hear so many com-
plaints and see so much confusion from other quarters,
that I am obliged to advise in things not conunitted
to me. Much money is wanted. The Militia is at
last turning out. Theie was the greatest scene of con-
fusion in the management of the Continental horses,
wagons and expresses that was ever exhibited. Bad
enough before Congress departed, it is ten times worse
now, and Jacob Hittzdbner, a very honest man, wiU
run mad soon if not properly assisted.

The ''much money'' was sent on to Washington in
packages of hard coin from Morris's own coffers, and
in this and in eveiy other imaginable way he labored
with indefatigable energy and unruflled optimism over
his task. It must have been a dreary enough time for
every member of the Patriot party, and Philadelphia
sadly changed from the abode of ''quiet peace and
el^ant hospitality" whidi Adams had found it during

SUPERSEDURE IN RANK 159

those inspiring early sessions of Congress. The city
was half empty; inhabited only by the neutral Quakers
in their neutral-tinted garb, its gloomy streets dis-
turbed occasionally by the arrival of wagon-loads of
wounded Hessians and the pale ranks of those wretched
American prisoners dischaiged at last from Howe's
prison ships in New York Bay and sent to the '^Bet-
tering Houses'' for their long convalescence.

Panic-stricken and disoiganized, the fugitive mem-
bers of C!ongress decided to give unlimited control to
the few men who had demonstrated their willingness
and capacity to assume responsibility in their various
departments. They invested Washington with the pow-
ers of a dictator, made Morris administrative head
of Philadelphia, and intended by the imlimited orders
given to Paul Jones to make him the virtual com-
mander-in-chief of the navy. So far had this nameless
Scotchman advanced in the councils of America. He
had well merited the honor. If Morris, out of his full
coffers, had subsidized the penniless government and
clothed the army of Washington, Jones, from his little
fortime, had paid off the crews of his ships and lent
the remainder of his available funds to the government.
If Washington, realizing the only method of warfare
possible to his wretched handful of troops, had by his
masterly retreats and delays gained the title of the
American Fabius, Paul Jones, with equal wisdom and
a like courage in desperate emergencies, had proposed
and carried out the only method of naval warfare pos-
sible to the marine forces of the colonists. By rapid
descents upon the unprotected coasts of the enemy

160 JOHN PAUL JONES

with his fast-sailing little ships, he won in his brill-
iant cruises the only victories possible over the mari-
time forces of England

When he came to Philadelphia in the spring of this
unhappy year he found himself in the centre of a con-
flicting atmosphere of praise and blame— friends ^o
wished to put him at the head of the fleet, and foes
who had diograced him by the insult of his glaringly
unjust supersedure. The emotions aroused by such
extraordinary contrasts in the manner and d^ree of
his recognition might easily have bewildered an older
man and a native American. He tried with evident
modesty and a controlling fidelity to the common
cause to find his way among these warring elements.
He waited on Hancock, he visited Morris, he appeared
before the marine conmiittee, who were once more re-
turned to Philadelphia with the returning members
of C!ongress. The scattered elements of the govern-
ment were once more coalescing at its seat, and on
the 27th of February were again assembled in Phila-
delphia with various absentee members still to be
heard from. Hancock had by this time journeyed
back from Boston and wrote immediately, on the 10th
of March, for his wife, telling her that Mrs. Wash-
ington had already arrived. Adams sent also for his
Portia, and Mrs. Morris, returning also, opened her
house on Front Street, and the little Republican Ck)urt
was again assembled.

Hope dawned again as the spring days arrived, and
no further overwhelming disaster came to keep the
pleasure-loving Philadelphians from their racing, their

SUPERSEDURE IN RANK 161

card-playing, and their truly magnificent feasts. It
is strange to read that when dark days came again to
the patriot cause, in the winter of 1778, when the
enemy was really in possession of the capital and Wash-
ington was grimly standing guard at Valley Forge,
that a wild reign of extravagance and even inmio-
rality ran its strange course in Philadelphia. All
distinction and party feelings were submerged in the
friendly relations which existed between the British
soldiers and the colonial dames of that city. A curious
condition of affairs obtained which well might have
aroused the indignation of Washington. Himdreds of
poimds were spent nightly for suppers and dances where
both Tory and Whig ladies mingled gayly with the
enemies of their coimtry. It is not to be imagined
that Paul Jones, el^ant as he afterward became in his
dress and manners after he had won his laurels in
Eiuopean waters and his sword at the court of Ver-
sailles, was part of the aristocratic circle of Philadelphia
during the brief period of his visit there in the spring
of 1777. Social ambition became later a part of his life
in a way both marked and undeniable, but at this mo-
ment he was far more soldier than courtier, and was
wholly absorbed in the strenuous business of the hour.
His own personal grievances did not at this time rise
to the surface or become the supreme preoccupation of
his mind. He placed himself and his services with-
out reserve or complaint at the disposition of the
marine conmiittee.

That Congress should have been imable to prevent
the ignoble jealousy of the disgraced commander-in-

162 JOHN PAUL JONES

chief of the navy, or cu'cumvent its effect in r^ard to
Jones, was a calamity the extent of which is hard to
estimate. What his genius and coiutige might have ac-
complished at this critical time, had it been given full
opportunity, can never be calculated. The manner in
which he carried out his instructions, and the no less
astoimding results he accomplished with the inadequate
means at his command, cause never-ending r^ret for
the great plans which were conceived in his brain and
laid unavaOingly before a vacillating and impotent
government. If Lee's treacherous scheming and the
Ck)nway cabal had dethroned Washington from his
place at the head of the Revolutionaiy army, the tale of
America's struggle for independence might have been
strangely altered. Yet a naval genius of the first order
was kept from the command of the maritime forces
of the nation, and at the most critical period of its
existence.

CHAPTER Vn

THE POUNDING OF THE NAVY

In the first volume of a work by A. C. Buell, en-
titled ''Paul JoneSi Founder of the American Navy/'
the author prints a long document, attributed to the
p^i of Jones, containing an elaborate plan in regard
to the establishment and regulation of the navy.
This document has gamed the widest currency and
has been generally accepted as authentic. Hi^ au-
thorities have declared it to be the ''moral and intel-
lectual charter of Annapolis/' and have stated that
Jones's glorious reputation rests upon this endur-
ing foundation rather than upon the memoiy of
his immortal battles. With the exception of one
brief and garbled passage taken from the letter of
Jones to Hewes of April 14, 1776, this document is a
fabrication as remarkable for its skill as for its well-
nigh imiversal acceptance. Mr. Buell asserts that
it was written at the request of the "first marine
committee,'' which assembled on June the 14th,
1775. The accoimt of the formation of the commit-
tee which was actually appointed by Congress, as
given in the fifth chapter of this volume, is based
upon the official records in Washington. These rec-
ords absolutely disprove the statements of Buell.
Internal evidences are also present in the alleged

163

164 JOHN PAUL JONES

document whidi discredit its authenticity in every par-
ticular. It has, however, been so frequently quoted
as the foundation of Jones's right to be called the
"Founder of the American Navy" that it is important
at this point in his history to assemble his actual
writings in regard to the establishment of the marine.

In the four years of his service in the navy of the
Revolution he gave repeated and brilliant examples of
his theory of the kind of naval warfare best adapted
to the forces of the colonies. Although he entered
upon his duties with becoming modesty, he soon dis-
covered that he was the only officer in the service
who was capable of formulating effective plans for the
improvement of the navy. He immediately b^an to
shape his ideas into practical suggestions calculated to
bring order out of the utterly chaotic conditions which
existed in the government at Philadelphia and which
were ludicrously exemplified by the entirely inefficient
commander of the fleet. His knowledge of the rules
and standards of the British navy was brought to bear
with a proper r^ard for the differing conditions in the
colonies. His long experience in the merchant service
and as a commander of armed vessels in the slave-
trade had given him an extensive and practical knowl-^
edge of seamanship whidi also assisted him in his
conclusions. These suggestions were distinguished by
notable commonHsensC; and showed a cool and dis-
criminatmg judgment, remarkable foresight, and a
grasp, both wide and accurate, of the great subject
and of the greater enterprise in which he was engaged.

Following the legislation whidi established a naval

THE POUNDING OP THE NAVY 166

committee and resolved upon the organization of a na-
tional maritime f orce^ Congress^ on November the 2d,
voted one hmidred thousand dollars for the purchase of
four shipS; and empowered the naval conmiittee to en-
gage officers and seamen, fixing their '' encouragement''
at one-half of all ships of war made prizes by them and
one-third of all transport vessels. On the 10th C!on-
gress ordered the organization of a marine corps, and
on the 23d a draft of rules for the organization of the
American navy and articles to be signed by the offi-
cers and seamen was drawn up by John Adams and
laid before CJongress, which forthwith adopted them
after discussion of the several articles. A penal code
and a r^ulation for the establishment of courts-
martial were also adopted, as well as r^ulations for
the rations of seamen and the conduct of religious
services. Only two grades of commissioned officers
were adopted, a captain and a lieutenant, and five
marine officers, the highest of which was a captain.
The minor officers were master, master's mate, boat-
swain, boatswain's first and second mate, gunner, gun-
ner's mate, carpenter, carpenter's mate, cooper, cap-
tain's clerk, steward, and chaplain. A pay-table and
contract of enlistment were also decreed. These rules
were adopted in an abridged form from the British
naval statutes in force in 1775. These, in brief, were
the r^ulations of the navy when Jones was given his
commission. When he was serving as lieutenant on
the Alfred, in the first cruise of the fleet imder Hopkins^
and later when he was in command of the Providence,
he communicated a record of his acts and his com-
ments upon the conduct of affairs by his superior

166 JOHN PAUL JONES

officers to Joseph Hewes. In September of that year
(1776), after the naval committee had given place to
the larger marine committee or marine board, he b^an
a correspondence with Robert Morris, who had be-
come a member of that body and was its vice-president
and actual head. Morris was also at this time the
secretary of the treasury, and by virtue of the large
fortune which he put at the disposition of the weU-
nigh penniless government was not only the secretary
of the treasury but the treasury itself. Hewes had
informed Jones that Morris had issued, at his sugges-
tion and for Jones's particular ''honor and advantage,^'
the orders for his fiiBt independent cruise on the Proth
idence. Jones soon after addressed Morris in a letter
which is the first of a series in which he presented to
the head of the marine committee his ideas in regard
to the improvement of the r^ulations in the navy.
Although Jones's relation with Morris was b^un and
largely carried on in letters, and never characterized
by the intimacy which he enjoyed with Joseph Hewes,
Morris was very quick to recognize the brilliant gifts
and accomplishments of his correspondent and ably
advocated his advancement at eveiy opportunity.
Jones naturally considered a friendship with this all-
powerful man to be of the utmost importance, and
characteristically made a voluntary reference to the
killing of the mutineer in Tobago, desiring that that
friendship should be marred by no reserve of confi-
dence or failure in frankness.

The first letter is written from the Providence, at
sea, a few weeks after Hopkins had assigned him to
that command:

THE POUNDING OF THE NAVY 167

Providence, At Sea, September 4ffe, 1776.
To the Honorable Robert Morris.
Honored Sir : —
I herewith enclose for your inspection all the let-
ters and papers which I found in the brigantine Sea
Nymph. For the particulars of the cruise hitherto I
must b^ leave to refer you to the within open letter
to the Marine Board, wMch please to lay before them.
I purpose to stand to the southward in the hopes of
falling in with some ships which I understand are now
on their passage from Barbadoes. But at this late
date my success is very uncertain. I will however
ply about in this meridian as long as I think I have
any chance, and if I fail at last I can run to the north-
wsixd and try for better success among the fishermen
which (I will) may answer no bad pmpose by increas-
ing the number of our seamen. However my cruise
may terminate, I forget not the singular obligation I
owe to Mr. Morris who promised it for my honor and
advantage. And I esteem the honor done me by his
accepting my correspondence as the (most) greatest
favor I could have aspired to. I conclude that Mr.
Hewes had acquainted you with a very great misfort-
une which befell me some years ago, and which brought
me into North America. (The best man may soon
become equally or far more unfortimate, therefore I
will spare you the pain of repeating it here.) I am
under no concern whatever that this or any paat cir-
cumstances of my life will sink me in yoiu* opinion.
Since (human foresight) human Wisdom cannot se-
cure us from accidents, it is the greatest effort of
(Human) reason to bear them all. I will from time
to time carefully communicate to you every intelli-
gence in my power, and as the r^ulations of the Navy
are of the utmost consequence, you will not think it
presumptuous if with the utmost diffidence I venture
to conununicate to you such hints as in my humble

168 JOHN PAUL JONES

opinion will (appear wise) promote its Honor and
the good of the Government. I could heartily wish
that every C!onmiission Officer were to be previously
examined for to my certain knowledge, there are per-
sons who have already crept into C!ommission without
abilities or fit qualifications. I am myeeil far from
desiring to be excused through (my) experience in
o\UB, as well as from my former intimacy with many
officers of note in the British Navy, I am convinced
that the parity of rank between sea and land or ma-
rine officers is of more consequence to the harmony
of the service than has generally been imagined. In
the British Establishment an Admiral ranLs with a
General, a Vice-Admiral with a lieutenant-General, a
Rear Admiral with a Major-General, a Commodore
with a Brigadier General, a Captain with a Colonel,
a Master and Conmiander with a Lieutenant Colonel;
a Lieutenant commanding with a Major, and a Lieu-
tenant in the Navy ranks with a Captain of Horse
Marines. I propose not our Enemies as example for
general imitation, yet as their navy is the best r^u-
lated of any in the world, we must in some d^pree
imitate them and aim at such further improvement
as may one day make ours vie with and exceed theirs.
Were that r^ulation to take place in our Navy it
would prevent numberless disputes and duellings which
otherwise would be unavoidable; besides Sir, you know
very well that Marine officers being utterly unac-
quainted with maritime affairs, are in those cases unfit
persons to preside at or compose half the number of
a court martial. I b^ pardon for this liberty. I
thought that such hints might escape your memory
in the multiplicity of business. I have always under-
stood the sentence of a Court Martial when confirmed
by a Conunander in Chief was definite and admitted
of no appeal. To prove this I must again recur to
English authority. Li the case of Lord George Sack-

THE POUNDING OP THE NAVY 169

vflle who for disobeying the orders of Prince Perdi-
nand at the battle of Minden was broke by a Court
(Martial) Martial held at the horse Guards, and ren-
dered incapable of serving afterwards in any military
capacity^ although his great abilities were then well
known and are generally acknowledged at this day.
I am led into tins subject by hearing with astonish-
ment the application and complaint of the late Cap-
tain Hazard to the Marine Board after he had been
found imworthy of bearing his commission in the Navy
by the undivided voice of a coiui; Martial where I had
the honor to sit as a member* If he was then unwor-
thy of bearing his conmiission I cannot see what new
merit he can have acquired, and even if he had merit
it would not be soimd policy to reverse the sentence;
it would make officers stand less in awe and attend less
punctually to their duty, and it is not improbable that
it might induce future Court Martials in some cases
to inflict personal pimishment from whence there is
no appeal. There was a mistake made in the date of
my commission wbich unless you stand my friend wiU
make a material difference when the Navy rank is
settled. I took command here the 10th of May, as
appears on the order and appointment of the Com-
mander-in-Chief as the back of my conmiission as
eldest lieutenant of the fleet, and my commission as
captain is not dated until the eighth day of August,
which you know is not fair, as it would subject me to
be superseded by Captain Robinson who was at first
my jimior officer by six — Perhaps it might subject me
to be superseded by others. If I have deserv^ so ill
as to be superseded, I am unworthy of bearing my
conmiission (I have been held in some estimation
among my fdlow mortals) I esteem it a greater dis-
grace and severer punishment than (it would) to be
fairly broke and dismissed the service. I have or-

X70 JOHN PAUL JONES

dered Mr. Chapkins the prize master to deliver you
a turtle, which please to accept. I have the honor
to be, with grateful esteem and much respect.

Honored Sir,
Your very obliged and very obedient humble servant,

J. P. J.

This letter is printed from the original autograph
draft in the collection of Jones's MSS. at Wadiing-
ton, and shows in the number of corrections and inter-
lineations the d^ree of care he expended upon it.
In a later letter to Morris, he makes further sugges-
tions in regard to the necessity of remodelling the
rules of conducting a court-martial after the customs
prevailing in the British service. ''Seamen should be
registered and made subject to three years time, or
for as long a time as possible— I wish also that our
manner of Courts Martial were as I have known them
in England — ^No Marine Ofl&cers were entitled to as-
sist, except where their men were concerned, and that
too where they had been on duty as Soldiers on the
land, that Senior Captains, where there is no Admiral,
should be authorized to summon Courts Martial and
that whenever Five or more Captains are present no
Lieutenant should be authorized to assist. These are
only my private sentiments." *

Six weeks after the date of this letter, when Jones
had successfully completed his first cruise and was
again at anchor m Newport harbor, with opportuni-

*■ A fragmeat of a letter of December 11, 1777, in Jones's handwriting
and bearing the address " to the Honbl Robert Morris," also in his hand-
writing. The date and the name of Jones as the writer is added under
the address in another hand. This fragment, pasted into a copy of
Band's "Life of John Paul Jones," is in the possession of ihe author.

THE FOUNDING OP THE NAVY 171

ties to view the conditions prevailing in the fleet, he
wrote again to Morris. This letter is in matter as
well as manner the most notable of the series. Lucid,
earnest, and unaffected, he here reaches his highest
point of expression and attains that style of ^^piu^
and strenuous eloquence" praised by Disraeli in the
life which the great Englishman wrote in defence of
our naval hero. Inspired with the noblest enthusiasm
for the cause of human liberty, seriously and miself-
ishly aware of his own imusual responsibilities in the
struggle of his adopted country, he here shows those
qualities revealed only by the truly great in the mo-
mentous crises of human history:

Providence Sloop of War at Nbwpobt
Rhode Island, 17th October 1776.
HoNOBED Sm: —

I wrote you at sea the 4th ult. of the brigantine
Sea Nymph second price. I have taken sixteen sail,
manned and sent in eight prizes, and sunk burnt and
destroyed the rest. The list of prizes is as follows: —

1 — ^The Brigantine Briiama — whaler

2 " " S<?a iVymyA, West Indies

3— ** " Fawrite

4. The Ship Alexander, New Foundland

5 — ^The Brigantine Success

6 — '' *^ Kingston Packet, Jamaica

7_ " « Defiance, Jersey

8 Sloop Portland — ^whaler

1 — ^The Ship Adventure, Jersey
2 — ^The Brigantine Friendship
3 — ^The Schooner John, London
4. -The Schooner Sea Flower^-CanBO
6. - ** ** Ebenezer, Canso

6 — ^The Schooner Hope, Jersey

manned and
sent in

Burnt or other-
wise destroyed.

172 JOHN PAUL JONES

I have written from time to time to the Marine
Board and furnished them with a particular account
of my proceedings, and I now send copies of my for-
mer letters. I arrived here 7th instant. I would not
have lost a day without writing you and to the Board
had not the Commodore proposed to me to take com-
mand of an expedition with the Alfred^ Promdence and
Hampden, to destroy the fisheries of New Foundland,
but principally to relieve a hundred of the fellow citi-
zens who We detained as priBoneis and slaves in the
coal pits of Cape Breton. All my humanity was
awakened and called up to action by the laudable
proposal; and I have been successfully employed in
refitting and getting the Promdence in readiness, but
am under the greatest apprehension that the e^qpedi-
tion will fall to nothing as the Alfred is greatly short
of men, and we have with much ado enlisted thirty
more; but it seems the privateers entice them away as
fast as they receive their months pay. It is to the
last d^ree distressing to contemplate the state and
establishment of our navy. The common class of men
are actuated by no nobler principles than that of self
interest; this, and this alone determines all adventures
in privateers, the owners as well as those whom they
employ. And while this is the case, unless the pri-
vate emoluments of individuals in our Navy is made
superior to that in Privateeis, it never c^ become
respectable. And without a respectable Navy— alas!
America! In the present critical state of affairs, hu-
man wisdom can suggest no more than one infallible
expedient; enlist the seamen during pleasure and give
them all the prizes. What is the paltry emolument
of two-thirds of prizes to the finances of this vast
continent! If so poor a resource is essential to its
independency, in sober sadness we are involved in a
woeful predicament, and our ruin is fast approachiog.

THE FOUNDING OF THE NAVY 173

The situation of America is new in the annals of man-
kind; her affairs cry, haste and speed must answer
them. Trifles, therefore, ought to be wholly disre-
garded, as being in the old vulgar phrase ''penny wise
and pound foolish/' If our enemies with the best es-
tablished and most formidable Navy in the universe
have found it expedient to assign all prizes to the cap-
tors, how much more is such policy essential to our
infant fleet; but I need use no aiguments to convince
you of the necessity of making the emolument of our
Navy equal if not superior to theirs. We have had
proof that a Navy may be officered almost on any
terms, but we are not so sure that these officers are
equal to their commissions; nor will the Congress ever
obtain such certainty until they, in their wisidom, see
proper to appoint a Board of Admiralty, competent
to determine impartially the respective merite and
abilities of their officers, and to superintend, regulate
and point out all the motions and operations of the
Navy. Gov. Hopkins tells me that he apprehends I
am appointed to the Andrew Doria; she is a good
cruiser and would in my judgment answer much bet-
ter were she moimted with twelve six-pounders than
as she is at present with fourteen fours. An expedi-
tion of importance may be expected this winter on the
coast of Africa with part of tiie original fleet. Either
the Alfred or Colvmbw with the Andrew Doria and
Providence would, I am persuaded, cany all before
them, and give a blow to the En^ish African trade
which would not be soon recovered, by not leaving
them a mast standing on that coast, lliis expedition
would be attended with no great expense; besides the
ships and vessels mentioned are unfit for service in a
winter coast, which is not the case with the new frigates.
The small squadron for this service ought to sail early,
that the prizes may reach our ports in March or ApnL

174 JOHN PAUL JONES

If I do not succeed in manning the Alfred so as to
proceed to the eastward in the course of this week,
the season will be lost; the cod fleet will be gone to
Halifax, and the fishermen to Europe. I will not,
however, remain inactive, but proc^ to cruise in
the sloop near Sandy Hook. Three of my prizes have
arrived here and one or two to the eastward.

I am and so forth.

J. R J.

Ten days after writing this letter he set forth on his
second northern cruise, but before departing he sent,
on October 31, an intimate letter to his friend Hewes,
deploring the unorganized condition of the navy and
sajdng that he had 'Waited long and impatiently for
the production of some abler pen, but was now no bet-
ter satisfied than at the b^inning." He urged again
the necessity of establishing an ''unpartial Boaid of
Admiralty competent to determine the merits and
abilities of every officer and to superintend r^ulate
and direct every out fit and operation of the Marine
forces which would soon give firmness and stability
to otur fleet and make it formidable even to Great
Britain." He continued his communications to his
friend Morris in a series of official reports to the
marine committee, which were addressed primarily to
Morris as its chairman and thereafter communicated
to the other members. After his return to Boston,
on the 12th of January, he sent a private letter to
Morris, criticising very sharply the blundering regu-
lations which were still in force in r^ard to the dis-
tribution of prize-money through the fleet.

THE POUNDING OF THE NAVY 175

Boston Jan I20i. 1777
HoNOBBD Sir.

I am happy in this opportunity of thanking you for
the kind and favourable mention which Mr. Living-
ston informs me you have made of my former letters.
Should Mr. H. be at present absent from Congress,
I must b% you to look over the Inclosed letters for
him before you forward them. Should the expedition
Spoke of in my last to you be put in execution — as it
may take up eight months or upwards, and as the
Season is now so far advanced, it will be most advis-
able to Set out early in the Spring so that the Prizes
may reach the Continent in the b^inning of the en-
suing Winter. I need not observe to you that Secrecy
is Above all things to be attended to in every expedi-
tion. None beside the Principle in Command ought
to be made acquainted with the plan or destination.
The bounty offered by the Artillery who are enlisted
here being from 26 to 36 pounds lawful money for
three years' Service induces all the Seamen to l^ter.
The Seamen have been Very ill used and the Navy
hath been much hmted by the Cursed (7) Association
for the Joint Share of Rize Money thro' the Fleet
whither present at the Capture or Absent. The Gen-
try who set that Agreement on Foot and who carried
it thro' the Fleet at Rudy Island have take Care to
keep out of harm's way themselves ever since otur Grand
Affair with the Glasgow. Nay, one of those Arch
Patriots, when ordered to Philadelphia, told the Com-
modore, who repeated it to me, that it the other two
were willing himself would agree to be Broke if the
Congress would Allow them half pay. The same Gen-
tleman kept his Ship Eight months in Providence
River and then left her witii a Fished Main Mast and
only one Common Pump that would work. But we
surely can never have a Navy under good discipline

176 JOHN PAUL JONES

or well Maimed Until Some efifectual expediait is
Adopted to induce the Seamen to enter of an imlimited
time. Perhaps it might answer if the Seamen in Amer-
ica were Nimibered and formed into a certain Number
of Classes Subject to Serve in their tumfr— but the
most infallible method is to give them All they Take.
I will add Something more as I shall have Another
Opportunity in a day or two.

I have the Honor to be with Grateful Esteem and
Respect,

Sir,
Your trudy obliged
Very Humble Servant,

J. P. J.
The Honble. R. M.

N. B. — ^If you please to look over the inclosed copy
of my letter to the Goimcil here, and of their Answer
or rather Order to me, you will see the treatment
which I have had from that House. I wish to know
whither they Ought or Ought not to Assume Authority
over the Navy,
Endorsed: Copy of a letter to the

Honble. R. Morris, Esqr.

by Express from Council.

Fotur days after this letter he wrote again to Morris,
enlarging upon the manifest injustice and unfortunate
results of the prize-money regulation, and expressing
the greatest sympathy for the pitiable condition of
the seamen:

0

Boston, Jony. 16, 1777.
Honored Sm: —

As I am not well assured of your having received
my first letter in the Providence— I have taken the

THE POUNDING OF THE NAVY 177

liberty of inclosing a Copy. — ^I must here asurt that
it is both unjust and inimical to the interest of the ser-
vice that any person or persons belonging to the Navy
should share in prizes when they were themselves
absent and out of harms way when the Captmie was
made. By this Unprecedented association, which was
effected by Fellows who have consulted their Personal
safety ever since, the Navy hath received more real
injuiy than the sum total of all the benefit which hath
accrued from their past, or which is likely to accrue
from their future services — ^for prize-money is thereby
become so very intricate and perplexed that the great-
est part of the seamen desisted immediately after their
return from New Providence, and those poor fellows
who have faithfully served the term of their Enlist-
ment are detered from re-Entering as they have not
rec'd., nor is there any prospect of their receiving a
Shilling of Prize Money — so that it makes my heart
Bleed to see them half Naked at this Severe Season.
— Such an association was never known to be binding
for more than a Single cruize, therefore in the present
Case it is highly requisite that it should be set aside
and some happy expedient fallen upon to induce the
Seamen to enter cheerfully into the Service /w an
Unlimited Time.

I did not till a few minutes ago hear of this Oppor-
timity by Mr. Cumberland Dougall of Baltimore and
as he is to set out immediately I am obliged to curtail
my letter otherwise I had considerably more to add.

I Inclose in this Packet a Copy of my letter lately
forwarded to the Marine Board with an Estimate of
the Expence of Altering the Alfred — ^But I must repeat
my Opinion that She is now much better calculated
for the Merchant Service than she can be made for
War and as She is calculated for Stowing Tobacco She
would make a good remittance to France. — ^My prize

178 JOHN PAUL JONES

the Mellish Transport, as she was lately a Bomb in
the English Service, would make a better Ship of War
than the Alfred. From the bins downward She is one
SoUd Bed of Timber. She sails as well as the Alfred
and is not near So Crank, so that her lee Guns would
be servicable when the Alfred^s will not. — ^I imder-
stand that there is a Quantity of Nine Pounders to
spare at New London, and the Mellisk would Mount
18 or 20 on one Deck. The Alfred^s Guns are of such
a Variety of lengths and Sizes that it is both difScult
and dangerous to Fight them, and the Nine Pounders
are all too long for Sea Service. Should you resolve
to convert the Mellish into a Ship of War I believe she
may be fitted better here than at Dartmouth where
she now is. — ^I will esteem the honor of hearing from
you as soon as may be convenient — and it will Always
give me pleasure to receive and Obey yoiur Conmiands.
— ^I imderstand by the report of Captain Falconer
that I was Appointed to one of the Ships at Philadel-
phia— and Mr. Livingston is also of that Opinion.
Perhaps thqr have been mistaken. — ^However I sub-
mit my appointment as well as my Rank and destina-
tion entirely to you — as I am well assured that if I have
any Merit or Abilities they will not be Overlooked or
Superseded — ^I have the honor to be with Grateful
Esteem and Respect,

Sir,

Yoiur truely Obliged
Very Obedient

and most humble servant,

J. P. J.

On the 21st of January came the unexpected blow
of his dismissal from the conmiand of the Alfred and
his orders to return to the Providence. Before Jones's
account of this occurrence could have reached Robert

THE FOUNDING OF THE NAVY 179

Morris he sent the letter already given to JoneS; de-
tailing the plans which he had prepared for his execu-
tion^ and which were afterward authorized by Con-
gress. That letter, which gave him the command of
all the available ships of the fleet, shows to what extent
his services had recommended him to the favor of Mor-
ris and how laigely the marine board shared his opin-
ions. Jones had himself proposed and presented to
the marine board a plan for an extensive expedition,
comprising a descent upon the British ports and ship-
ping on the coast of Africa. In his letter to Jones,
Morris excuses his n^ect in replying to this latest
proposition on the groimd of the confusion and mul-
tiplicity of business incident upon the departure of
Ck)ngress to Baltimore, and omits any reference to
Hewes's absence from Congress or to the new list of
navy appointments, with its injurious displacement of
Jones. In the light of the extraordinary orders he
was issuing to Captain Jones this painful occurrence
did not command his attention.

Before this most flattering proof of the confidence
and appreciation of the controlling member of the
marine committee had time to reach Jones in Boston,
the latter wrote again to Morris a letter which shows
how actively he was engaged in a study of the deplor-
able conditions then existing in the navy. It shows
also that the suggestions of his brother officers did
not command his admiration. His remarks about
Hopkins, although severe, expressed a contempt and
resentment unfortunately only too natural and de-
served.

*See page 187.

180 JOHN PAUL JONES

Boston, Fe6y. lOth, 1777.
Honored Sm:

Enclosed I send a Copy of my last letter to the Mar
line Board — ^Also Copies of my letters to you since my
Arrival here in the Alfred. — ^As the good government
of the Navy is of the greatest importance, it is a duty
incumbent on every Man who is honored with a Com-
mission in the Service to contribute all within his
power to so Valuable an End. You will not therefore,
I am persuaded, charge me with disrespect Altho' my
free Sentiments may not Perhaps, always correspond
with your own. — ^It would give me much more pleas-
ure could I Join with the other Commanders in Point-
ing out hints for Useful Rules and Regulations— We
have had Sundiy Meetings here for this purpose with-
out being able to Effect any thing — ^And as this is a
natural consequence where the understanding is con-
tracted I have determined that if I subscribe to Non-
sense it shall be Nonsense of my own not that of others I

There are no Officers more immediately wanted in
the marine department than Commissioners of Dock
Yards to Superintend the Building and Outfit of all
Ships of war — ^With power to Appoint Deputies to
provide and have in constant Readiness Sufficient
Quantities of Provision Stores, Hops, Etc., So that
the Small number of Ships we have May constantly
be employed and not Continue Idle as they do at pres-
ent— ^Besides all the Advantages that would arise from
such Appointmimts, the saving which would accrue
to the Continent is worth attending to; had such men
been appointed at the first the new Ships might have
been at Sea long Ago. — The difficulty now lays in find-
ing Men who are deserving and who are fitly qualified
for an Office of such Importance.

Captain Thomson of the Raleigh Frigate in my
Opinion Understands the Business in all its branches
he Seems a Merchant, a Man of the world, a Gentle-

THE FOUNDING OF THE NAVY 181

man — and the construction and equipment of the Ror
leigh by his particular Advice does honor to his Me-
chanical turn and is Evident proof of his judgment
so that everything might be expected from his Sagacity
and forethought — ^And from what I have heard him
express; I beUeve he would Undertake to Superintend
the Building and Equipment of the Ships lately Or-
dered.—

The Navy is in a wretched Condition. — ^It wants a
man of Abilities at its head who could bring on a Pur-
gation and Distinguish between the Abilities of a Gen-
tieman and those of a mere Saflor or Boatswains Mate,
for tm such distinction is nwde the Navy will never
become Respectable. — ^A man who hath the Meanness
of Soul to Deny his word is a Despicable being Indeed!
he sinks beneath the Condition of the poorest Reptile
that Crawls on the Earth — ^And it is not Uncharitable
to Suspect him as being Capable of any Baseness What-
ever.— ^As the Action brought against me for taking
Men out of the Eagle Privateer where I found deserters
from the Navy is a Matter which nearly concerns
America as well as myself. — ^I will add a Paragraph
from a Letter which I lately received from Colonel
Tillinghast of Providence, as follows: —

"The Commodore has just left me of whom I re-
quested to know his determination either to disavow
his orders to you or to commend your conduct that I
might acquaint you thereof Agreeable to your desire,
to which he replies: 'You have his Orders in Writing
which, if that will Justify your Conduct it's well.' "
now Sir, I have proof that he both Sent and gave me
from his own mouth express Orders to take all the Sea-
men out of Privateers where I found a Deserter from
the Navy. — But this is not the first SUp he hath made
for I have frequently heard him AflKrm that he served
America without Pay. — ^if so, why is he so earnest about

182 JOHN PAUL JONES

claiming a Twentieth part of all prizes? This leads
to an Ehiqniiy whether that Claim be well or ill f oimded
for it would be Absurd to Suppose that the Congress
mean to give him Such a R^ard for Smoking his
pipe at home — ^it being altogether Unprecedented in a
Navy Establishment even in Coimtries where other
Sinecures and Abuses are Common. — ^When the Com-
mander of a Fleet or Squadron goes to Sea in Person
or is on a Foreign Situation the Case is very Different/'

You cannot at such distance imagine the discontent
wluch prevails among the Seamen in these Eastern
States on Accoimt of Prize Money— They stand aloof
and will not re-enter imtil that Matter is Settled —
and there is no prospect of its ever being Settled while
Individuals lay Claim to Shares, who were not pres-
ent at the Captures — ^Lawsuits, Duellings, and endless
Animosities will be the consequence and the Publick
Service will be N^ected and at a Stand while this dis-
pute Subsists — ^As it is a direct Violation of a Resolve
of Congress that any person whatever other than the
Captors should share in Prizes. An Explanatory Re-
solve is the Most Speedy and Effectual Method to put
an End to the Controversy and restore harmony to
the Service. — No man or private Society of men hath
a Right to add to the established laws of the land Yet
by the Inclosed Invitation we see that Individuals in
the Navy have Assumed that Authority.

I must repeat what I asserted formerly that unless
some happy expedient can be fallen upon to induce the
Seamen to Enter into the Service for a longer term than
Twelve Months it will never be possible to bring them
imder proper Subordination, and Subordination is as
necessary, Nay, far more so in the Fleet than in the
Army. Present Advantages tho' small will Operate
far more on the minds of Seamen than Future Pros-
pects tho' great. — ^they ought at least to enter during

THE FOUNDING OP THE NAVY 183

the war— if not during pleasure — ^And all Deserters
ought to be Capitally piuushed. Instead of this there
hath not been a Sinj^e Instance of Inflicting punish-
ment on a Deserter, but on the contrary they have even
been paid for the time of their Absence. — ^^d they are
Suffered to parade thro' the Country with impimity
without being Questioned. — ^Were these matters recti-
fied we should hear of no such thing as Desertion. The
American Navy would soon become respectable to all
the World, Gentlemen of Parts and liberal minds would
Join it from all Quarters and Pelicity would lend us
her Standard. I shall only add at present that the
Navy would be far better without a Head than with a
Bad One. — ^I have the honor to be with the greatest
deference and Esteem

Sir Yoiur very Obliged
very Obedient

Most humble Servant

J. P. J.
(Indorsement)
BoBTON FA'y lOfc, 1777
Copy of a letter to the
Honble. R. M.

The next document in the series dealing with naval
affairs is dated the 7th of April, in Philadelphia, while
he was waiting for his new command. In the so-called
'' Refreshing Memorial '^ from the Texel, a very lucid
and comprehensive narrative of his various services,
which was drawn up by Jones in the year 1779 to be
presented to Congress, he says: ^'The President of
Congress told me that as the regulation of the Marine
was then imder consideration, it would be of service if
I could give in writing the outlines of my ideas on a

184 JOHN PAUL JONES

Navy 83rstem. This I did with great pleasure, and the
adoption of my ideas by the navy board at Boston, to-
gether with some other r^ulations nearly correspond-
ing with my essay took place soon after." This doc-
ument, drawn up in a condensed form in accordance
with Hancock's request for the '^outlines" of his ideas,
contained the nucleus of a propeily organized marine
establishment. The suggestions therein contained were
very creditable to the discriminating judgment and
practical good sense of the young naval officer of little
more than a year's standing, and show no little d^ree
of prophetic vision in regard to the growth of the coun-
try and the future needs of its navy.

A PLAN FOR THB RBGULATION AND EQUIPBIENT OF THE
NAVY DRAWN UP AT THB REQUEST OF THE HON-
ORABLE THE PRESmENT OF CONGRESS

Let a Dockyard be established at the most conven-
ient and defensible Port, within the four Eastern States,
let another be established at the proper place within
the five middle States, and a third at a proper place
within the fotur Southern States, let the Navy be
formed into three divisions one Squadron to Rendez-
vous at each dockyard. Let a principal Commissioner,
a Surveyor, a Treasurer, and Deputies if necessary,
with Clerks, and Storekeepers &c be appointed for each
Dockyard. Let it be the duty of the Commissioners
to superintend the Building, Repair, alteration. Vict-
ualling, payment and outfit of all Ships of War, let
it be their duty to Provide and have in constant readi-
ness sufficient Quantities of Provision, Anchors, Cables,
Masts, Yards, Sails, Rigging, Warlike and Naval Stores,
Slops and all manner of .Articles which are necessary

THE FOUNDING OF THE NAVY 186

for the speedy Equipment of Ships of War, let it be
their duty to examine Warrant Officers and to recom-
mend them to the Board of Admiralty; let it also be
their duty to inspect into the State and condition of
each Ship as soon as she arrives in Port and to call the
Warrant officers to accoimt for the Expenditure of the
Stores in their respective departments; these Officers
ou^t to make good all Wastage or Embezzlement.

Let it be the duty of any Continental Agent to im-
port such articles as the Commissioners may direct for
the use of their Navy, let it be their duty to supply
Ships of War when in Ports at a distance from the
dockyards with such Stores and Articles as may be
wanted; to enable the Agent to do this with convenience
and despateh; let them have in constant readiness at
some of the best outports certain Quantities of such
Articles as the Commissioners may judge necessary,
let it also be the duty of any Agents to muster the
Ships company when in Port, and to make return to
the Commissioner on Oath.

Let all Commissioners meet at Philadelphia and
hold a general Conference once a year, leaving deputies
or cler]^; to cany on the Business in their absence, let
it be their duty to settle all accounts, with the Board
of Admiralty, or such Person or Persons as the Board
shall think fit to appoint to whom they are always to
be accountable for every part of their Conduct; let
it be their duty to lay before the Board, or whom the
Board may appoint, the true state and condition of
each Ship, of each Dockyard and of all Stores, to point
out past errors and future Improvements in the con-
struction of Ships, Drydocks, Hulks, &c, to suggest
necessary institutions in the Marine department and
to furnish hints to form a clear line of duty for each of
the Navy warrant Officers.

The principal commissioner ought to be a steady

186 JOHN PAUL JONES

Man of BuBiness, a Seaman and complete Mechanic,
well skilled in all respects in the constraction and equip-
ment of Ships of War; it will naturally be his duty to
inspect the Conduct of the Surveyor and Treasurer.

The Siuveyor ought to be a Shipwright, a Man of
great activity, and of sound Judgment, well acquainted
with the Qualities and Properties of Ships of War, as
well as (with) all their materials and stores.

The Treasurer ought to be a man of Business, and a
complete Merchant. The purchase of provision and
of slops &c. as well as the payment of the men might
fall under his direction. The Authority of the Com-
missioners must by no means extend to the destination
of Ships or their internal Government, it being their
Province only to keep the navy in fit order for sea ser-
vice and it being the Province of Conmianders in the
Navy to govern their Ships according to the Rules and
R^ulations established by the Supreme Power of Con-
gress, and to follow the Instructions which they may
Receive from the Board of Admiralty, or their dq)utie8,
or from Senior or Blag Officers, consequently Com-
manders of Squadrons or of Single Ships have a ri^t to
call on the Conmiissioners or Agents for supplies when-
ever they are in want of them, being always account-
able to Senior Officers in their division for their con-
duct, but more especially so to the Board of Admiralty*

As the extent of the Continent is so great that the
most advantageous Enterprise may be lost before Or-
ders can arrive within the Eastern and Southern dis-
tricts from the Board of Admiralty it will perhaps be
expedient to appoint deputies for executing the Office
of High Admiraii within these extreme districts, to
continue in office only during Pleasure and at all times
accountable to the Board of Admiralty. Pe]ii^)s one
deputy to the Eastward and another to the Southward
may be found equal to the Business, but the ntunber

THE FOUNDING OP THE NAVY 187

in each department ought not to exceed three. They
ought to be Men of inviolable Secrecy, who inherit much
discernment and sagacity, and are endowed with con-
sumate knowledge in Marine Affairs. Besides point-
ing out the duty of the deputies with the assistance of
three or more of the most judicious Commanders of
the fleet who may be named by the Board of Admi-
ralty to examine the abilities of men who apply for
commissions and make report to the Board; also to
examine divers Persons who now bear Conmiissicms
in the Service, and whose Abilities and Accomplish-
ments are veiy suspicious and uncertain. The board
may do the same within the middle district, and by this
means the Navy will, at a Period not far distant be
Officered by Gentlemen and Men of Sense, instead of
(by) Men of no education, with limited capacities,
whom Nature never intended for a Rank superior to
that of Boatswain.

It may also be expedient to establish an Academy
at each Dockyard under proper Masters, who'es duty
it should be to instruct the officers of the Pleet when in
Port in the Principles and application of the mathe-
maticks. Drawing, Fencing and other manly Arts and
Accomplishments.

It will be requisite that young Men serve a certain
term in Quality of Midshipmen, or Masters mate be-
fore they are examined for promotion.

And the necessity of Establishing an Hospital near
each Dockyard, under the care of Skilful Physicians is
self evident.

Jno. p. Jonbs.
Philadelphia 7ih April 1777.

It was long before America had a naval academy or
before the higher grades of admiral and rear-admiral
which Paul Jones recommended were established, but

188 JOHN PAUL JONES

several of his suggestions as to the improvement of cer-
tain regulations were soon after adopted, to the great
and immediate benefit of the service; parity of rank
between the army and the navy was shortly after re-
solved upon on the basis proposed by him, and the veiy
necessaiy regulation in regard to tJie award of an in-
creased share of prize-money to the captors of ships
taken from the enemy was also adopted. The first r^gu-
lation sflenced the very bitter feeling engendered by
the irr^ular and changing list of navy appointments.
The prize-money regulation was equally important in its
effect of counteracting the privateering interests, which
offered such superior inducements to seamen that they
threatened to choke the infant navy at the very mo-
ment of its birth; the increase of emolmnent to the
'^ captors, as finally ordered by Congress at the instant
J request of Paul Jones, made it finally possible to se-
cure seamen for the public service. The appointment
of a board of admiralty, the examination of officers be-
fore appointment by a regularly constituted conmiittee,
the increase in the length of the terms of enlistment,
and a properly appointed and regulated court-martial
were all adopted according to Jones's suggestions.^
The only pity, as his naval biographer* remarks, be-
ing that this adoption was so long delayed.

^ Parity of rank was reoommeiided by Jones in a letter to Mcnrris oi
September the 4th, 1776. It was adopted by Ckmgress on November
the 16th of this same jrear.

New prise^noney regulations were recommended by Jones on Octo*
ber the 17th, 1776, and adopted on the 30th of the same month.

A board of admiralty was recommended by Jones in a lett^ to Morris
on October the 17th and in later letters to Hewes; it was adopted in
October, 1779.

> Captain Alexander SlideU McKensie, "Life of Paul Jones/' 1S48.

rn

THE FOUNDING OF THE NAVY 189

Another and very important communication, writ-
ten at a later date (after his European experience and
his association with officers of the French fleet had
widened his knowledge and enlarged his views), com-
pletes the series of letters which he addressed to Mor-
ris as head of the American marine. This document
was prepared in Philadelphia in the year 1783, after
peace had been declared, and was written primarily
for the purpose of presenting his grievances in the mat-
ter of his supersedence in rank, and to urge his claims
for reinstatement in what he now considered was his
proper place at the head of the navy. It contains
many reflections and suggestions in regard to the regu-
lation of the marine, and the portions of it as here
quoted were printed by Disraeli in his anonymous life
of Jones, with the comment that "they would be found
exceedingly interesting, and not merely to our Naval
Officers." The advance which they showed in both
knowledge and power of expression over the opinions
given in the preceding letters is veiy striking:

The beginning of our navy, as navies now rank, was
so singularly small, that, I am of the opinion, it has
no precedent in histoiy. Was it a proof of madness
ID the first corps of sea officers to have, at so critical a
period, launched out on the ocean with only two armed
merchant ships, two armed brigantines, and one armed
sloop, to make war against such a power as Great
Britain? To be diffident is not alwajrs a proof of igno-
rance. I had sailed before this revolution in armed
ships and frigates, yet, when I came to tiy my skill, I
am not ashamed to own I did not find myself perfect
iQ the duties of a first lieutenant. If midnight study

190 JOHN PAUL JONES

and the mstruction of the greatest and most learned
sea officers, can have given me advantages, I am not
without them. I confess, however, I have yet to learn ;
it is the work of many years' study and experience to
acquire the high d^ree of science necessary for a great
sea officer. Cruising after merchant ships, the ser-
vice in which our frigates have usually hem employed,
affords, as I may say, no part of the knowledge neces-
sary for conducting fleets and their operations. There
is now, perhaps, as much difference between a battle
between two ships, and an engagement between two
fleets, as there is between a duel and a ranged battle
between two armies. The English, who boast so much
of their navy, never fou^t a ranged battle on the
ocean before the war that is now ended. The battle
off Ushant was, on their part, like their former ones,
irr^ular; and Admiral Eeppell could only justify him-
self by the example of Hawke in our remembrance, and
of Russel in the last century. From that moment the
English were forced to study, and to imitate, the
Fr^ch in their evolutions. Tliey never gained any
advantage when they had to do with equal force, and
the unfortunate defeat of Count de Grasse was owing
more to the unfavorable circumstances of the wind
coming a-head four points at the beginning of the bat-
tle, which put his fleet in the order of ecUquier when
it was too late to tack, and of calm and cturents after-
wards, which brou^t on an entire disorder, than to
the admiralship or even the vast superiority of Rod-
ney, who had forty sail of the line against thirty, and
five three-deckers against one. By the account of some
of the French officers, Rodney might as well have been
asleep, not having made a second signal during the
battle, so that every captain did as he pleased.

The English are very deficient in si^ials, as well as
in naval tactic. This I know, having in my possession

THE FOUNDING OF THE NAVY 191

their present fighting and sailing instructions^ which
comprehend all thdr signals and evolutions. Lord
Howe has^ indeed, made some improvements by bor-
rowing from the French. But Eempenf elt; who seems
to have been a more promising officer, had made a still
greater improvement by the same means.

It was said of Eempenf elt, when he was drowned in
the Royal George^ En^and lost her du Pavillion. That
great man, the Chevalier du Favillion, conunanded the
Triumphant, and was killed in the last battle of Count
de Grasse. France lost in him one of her greatest
naval tacticians, and a man who had, besides, the
honour (in 1773) to invent the new S3rstem of naval
signals, by which sixteen hundred orders, questions,
answers and informations can, without confusion or
misconstruction, and with the greatest celerity, be
conmiimicated through a great fleet. It was his fixed
opinion that a smaller number of signals would be
insufficient. A captain of the line at tSiis day must be
a tactician. A captain of a cruising frigate may make
shift without ever having heard of naval tactics. Until
I arrived in France, and became acquainted with that
great tactician Count D'Orvilliers, and his judicious
assistant the Chevalier du Favillion, who, each of them
honoured me with instructions respecting the science
of governing the operations, Etc. of a fleet, I confess I
was not sensible how ignorant I had been, before that
time, of naval tactics.

From the observations I have made, and what I have
read, it is my opinion, that in a navy there ought to
be at least as many ^ades below a captain of a line,
as there are below a colonel of a regiment. Even the
navy of France is deficient in subaltern grades, and has
paid dearly for that error in its constitution, joined to
another of equal magnitude, which authorizes ensigns
of the navy to take charge of watoh on board ships of

192 JOHN PAUL JONES

the line. One instance may be sufficient to show this.
The ZflU in the night between the 11th and 12th of
April, 1782, ran on board the VUle de Paris, which ac-
cident was the principal cause of the unfortunate bat-
tle which ensueid next day, between Count de Grasse
and Admiral Rodney. That accident in all probability
would not have happened, had the deck of the ZiU
been at the time oonmianded by a steady experienced
lieutenant of the line, instead of a young ensign. The
charge of the deck of a ship of the Ime should, in
my judgment, never be entrusted to an officer under
twenty-five years of age. At that time of life he may
be supposed to have served nine or ten years, a term
not more than sufficient to have furnished him with
the necessary knowledge for so great a charge. It is
easy to conceive that the minds of the officers must
become uneasy, when they are continued too long in
any one grade, which must happen (if regard be paid
to the good of the service) when there are no more
subaltern grades than midshipman and lieutenant.
Would it not be wiser to raise young men by smaller
steps and to increase the number?

I have many things to offer respecting the formation
of our navy, but shdl here limit myself to one, which I
think a preUminaiy to the formation and establishment
of a naval constitution suitable to the local situation,
resoxm^es and prejudices of this continent. The con-
stitution adopted for the navy in the year 1775, and
by which it has been governed ever since, and crumbled
away, I may say, to nothing, is so veiy defective, that
I am of the opinion it would be difficult to spoil it.
Much wisdom and more knowledge then we possess,
is, in my htunble opinion, necessary to the formation
of such a naval constitution as is absolutely wanting.
If, when our finances enable us to go on, we should set
out wrong, as we did in the year 1775, but much more

THE POUNDING OP THE NAVY 193

BO after the arrangement or rather derangement of rank
in 1776, much money may be thrown away to little or
no piurpose. We are a yomig people, and need not be
ashamed to ask advice from nations older and more
experienced in marine affairs than ourselves. This, I
conceive might be done in a manner that would be re-
ceived as a compliment by several or perhaps all the
marine powers of Europe, and at the same time would
enable us to collect sudi helps as would be of vast use
when we come to form a constitution for the creation
and government of our marine, the establishment and
police of our dock-yards, academies, hospitals, etc.,
etc., and the general police of our seamen throiighout
the continent. These considerations induced me, on
my return from the fleet of his excellency the Marquis
de Vaudreufl, to propose to you to lay my ideas on
the subject before Congress, and to propose sending a
proper person to Europe in a handsome frigate to dis-
play our flag in the ports of the different marine powers,
to offer them the free use of our ports and propose to
them commercial advantages, etc., and then to ask per-
mission to visit their marine arsenals, and to be in-
formed how they are furnished both with men, pro-
vision, materials and warlike stores, — ^by what police
and officers they are governed, how and from what re-
sources the officers and men are paid, etc. — ^the line
of conduct drawn between the officers of the fleet,
etc., — also the armament and equipment of the dif-
ferent ships of war, with their dimensions, the number
and qualities of their officers and men, by what police
they are governed in port and at sea, how and from
what resources they are fed, clothed, paid, etc., and
the general police of their seamen, academies, hospi-
tals, etc., etc. If you still object to my project on ac-
count of the expense of sending a frigate to Exmipe and
keeping her there until the business can be effected,

194 JOHN PAUL JONES

I think it may be done, though, perhaps, not with the
same dignity, without a frigate. My plan for forming
a proper corps of sea officers is, by teaching them the
naval tactics in a fleet of evolution. To lessen the
expense as much as possible, I would compose that
fleet of frigates instead of ships of the line, on board of
each I would have a little academy, where the officers
should be taught the principles of mathematics and
mechanics, when oflf duty. When in port, the young
officers should be obliged to attend the academies es-
tablished at each dock-yard, where they should be
taught the principles of eveiy art and science that is
necessary to form the character. And eveiy conmiis-
sion officer of the navy should have free access and be
entitied to receive instruction gratis at those acade-
mies. All this would be attended with no veiy great
expense, and the public advantage resulting from it
would be immense. I am sensiUe it cannot be im-
mediately adopted, and that we must first look about
for ways and means; but the sooner it is adopted the
better. We cannot, like the ancients, bufld a fleet in
a month, and we ought to take example from what
has lately befallen Holland. In time of peace it is
necessary to prepare, and be always prepared for war
at sea. I have had the honour to be presented with
copies of the signals, tactics and police, that have been
adopted under the different admirals of France and
Spain during the war, and I have in my last campaign
seen them put in practice. While I was at Brest,
as well as while I was inspecting the buflding of the
America^ as I had furnished myself with good authors, I
applied much of my leisure time to the study of naval
ardiitecture, and other matters that related to the es-
tablishment and police of dockyards. Etc. I, however,
feel mjrself bound to say again. I have yet much need
to be instructed.

THE FOUNDING OP THE NAVY 195

A letter writt^ to a brother officer just before the
dose of the war^ at a time when the navy had become
practically disorganized^ gives an intimate and per-
sonal statement of his persistent efforts toward the
improvement of the navy:

PoKTSMOUTH, May 26<A. 1782.
To Heotdb McNeill, Boston.

I am honored my dear friend, with your esteemed
favor of the 20th. I am altogether in tiie dark about
what has been done or is doing to re-establish the
credit of our Marine. In the course of near seven
years service I have continually suggested what has
occurred to me as most likely to promote its honor and
render it servicable to our Cause; but my voice has
been like a cry in the Desert: I know no remedy but
patience. No man can be more in suspense than I
am — and my reason as well as my feelings correspond
with yours in lamenting the protraction of Justice to
men who have merited the smiles of the Sovereign
Authority. Whatever I have written or may write
to you on so delicate a subject must be in confidence.
I fondly hope the times will mend, and that Merit and
Abilities will yet find encouragement; but were I used
ever so iU I determine to persevere, till my Coxmtiy
is Free.

When I hear anything farther I shall not fail to write
you, meantime present my affectionate respects to
your family, and believe me your

Paul Jones.

A short dissertation on the art of war, which forms
the conclusion of his journal of his Russian campaign,
is the last composition of his pen in regard to the pro-
fession of which he was so illustrious an exponent:

196 JOHN PAUL JONES

The art of war deserves the exclusive attention of
those who.are to be engaged in it; and militaiy science
is only acquired by dmt of study, of reflections and
of combinations. This study commenced at an early
season; constantly followed up during life, and aided
by continued experience^ will hardly become familiar
in all its parts to him who pursues it. Some occasion
will infalUbly happen, when pung^t r^ret for hav-
ing n^ected to obtain instruction will be felt in all
their force, by him who charged with an important
operation, is obliged to confess to himself lus own
incapacity to execute it. The time has gone by for
b^inning to attend to such study when he has unfort-
unately been promoted to a conmiand. Birth, patron-
age, solicitation, intrigue sometimes win employment
and rank; but they do not secure success and credit.
As the profession of arms is so honorable, and those
who hold commands acquire a reputation at once so
brilliant and so solid when they discharge their duties
worthily; and as on the other hand nothing is so dis-
graceful as a repulse received in war, throu^ our own
fault; with whai ardour should not officers who have
any passion for true glory, seek to provide themselves
abxmdantly with all the variety of knowledge; which
may some day put them in the way of becoming dis-
tinguished?

Courage alone, will not lead to renown, as many
fondly believe. The road would be too easy. The
fate of courage, devoid of the lights which a knowledge
of the principles of the art communicates is to be ig-
norant of dflmger to confront it, and to perish to no
purpose, often without the satisfaction in perishing of
knowing that the manner of its fall was intrepid.

It would appear that the study of an art of which all
the details are so interesting, tifie knowledge of which
is connected with an infinite number of facts natiually

THE FOUNDING OF THE NAVY 197

exciting quick ctiriosity the principles of which are scat-
tered through the histories of all nations^ must have in-
spiring attractions for those who desire to rise in their
profession as hi^ as ihey are permitted to hope for
and a taste for it which cannot but redound to their
advantage by conducting them through the true path
to the promotion they covet. Such promotion can-
not be flattering to men of sense unless they have the
satisfaction of knowing that they deserved it: and
that consciousness is in itself sufficient to console those
whose success calumniators have made it their busi-
ness to prevent.

C5HAPTER Vm

THE "RANGER''

On the 25th of March, whfle Jones was on his way
from Boston to Philadelphia, the marine committee,
prevented by Hopkins from giving him the im-
portant command which they had destined for him,
hadabeady taken measures to provide him with a
ship:

The Congress by a resolve of the 20th inst, having
ordered that the agent in Boston should purchase,
arm and fit out for the service of the United States
three fast sailing ships that will conveniently mount
18 six poxmders on one deck, and that Captain Paul
Jones shall command one of said ships, until bet-
ter provision can be made for him. Therefore Re-
solved, that Captain Paul Jones shall have his choice
of those three ships, and that he superintend the fit-
ting of her out. (Extract from the Minutes of John
Brown, in Marine Committee, Philadelphia, March
16th.)

The Agent, Mr. Bradford, has orders from this Com-
mittee to purchase and fit out three armed vessels pur-
suant on a resolve of Congress which is transmitted to
him, one of which you are to command, and the Com-
mittee have directed that you should have your choice.
Therefore you are desired to make your selection as
soon as the purchase shall be made, and to superintend

108

THE "RANGER" 199

and hasten the fitting of her out for sea with all expe-
dition.

We are, Sir,

Your very humble servants,

John Hancock,
William Whipplb,
William Ellert,
Abraham Clark,
TnoBfAS Banks,
Robert Morris.

After the conclusion of his business in Philadelphia,
having left his plan for a navy system in the hands
of the marine conunittee, Jones proceeded to Bos-
ton in pursuance of his orders. It is not difficult to
imagine the thoughts which must have occupied his
mind on his journey back to New England. The
affairs of his coxmtiy were still in the gravest doubt,
and his reflections must have taken a serious tone as
he made his way through the Jerseys, past farms
devastated by the Hessians, and through the half-
deserted villages, in that early despondent spring-
time of 1777.

Congress had proved sadly ineffectual and was little
respected. The treasury was empty and the army
depleted by desertions, while everywhere the British
arms were victorious. Howe was threatening to oc-
cupy the capital, and Buigoyne was moving down
through Canada with an apparently irresistible force
to join Clinton in New York. In the face of these sin-
ister facts Paul Jones forgot his injured vanity and the
injustice of his supersedure, and turned his whole

200 JOHN PAUL JONES

attention to a consideration of the means to be em-
ployed in the equipment of the one ship which had
been granted him by Congress. By the 23d of April
he was again in Boston, and no sooner had he arrived
than he was sunmioned to sit on two courts-martial,
the first on the Alfred^ the second on the Hancock.
Proofs of the glaring incapacity of the men whom Con-
gress had set over him were not wanting, and he ex-
pressed himself privately to his friend Morris, with a
veiy natural bitterness, concerning the illiteracy of a
captain, who was a member of both courts-martial
and who could not sign his name to a record of the
proceedings.

On May 4 he indited the long and often-quoted let-
ter to Stuart Mawey, to inquire about his property
in the West Indies. Freed at last from all fear of con-
sequences from the disastrous occurrence in Tobago,
he felt that he could now safely reveal his situation and
send assistance to his family.

The first weeks of his stay in Boston were occupied
by ineffectual efforts to procure a ship from the dilatory
marine board of Massachusetts, and he sent various
suggestions to Congress as to the fitting out of his prize,
the MeUish, in case no American vessel was available.
After this discouragmg delay his spirits were revived
by the receipt of a letter from Congress, on May 9, in
which he was ordered to sail for Europe in the Amr
phitrite, and there to take command of the Indien, a
splendid new frigate then being built in Amsterdam
under the direction of Silas Deane, the American com-
missioner at Paris:

THE "RANGER'' 201

In Marine Committee,

Philadelphia, 9ih May, 1777.
John Paul Jones, Esq.,
Sir: —
Congress liave thought proper to authorize the
Secret Committee to employ you on a voyage in the
Amphitrite from Portsmouth to Carolina and France,
where it is expected you will be provided with a fine
frigate; and as your present commission is for the com-
mand of a particular ship, we now send you a new one
whereby you are appointed a Captain in our Navy,
and, of coiUBe, may command any ship in the service
to which you are particularly ordered. You are to
obey the orders of the Secret Committee, and we are
Sir, &c.

(Signed) John Hancock

Rob. Morbis
Wm. Whipplb.

He was also directed to give immediate notice by
letter to the commissioners in Paris of his arrival, and
to request their instructions as to his further destina-
tion. He was told to take particular notice whilst on
the coast of France or in a IVench port to keep his guns
covered and concealed, so as to make as little warlike
appearance as possible. On the same day the marine
committee furnished him with the following official
recommendation to the commissioners:

Philadelphu, 9th May, 1777.
Honorable Gentlebcen:—

This letter is intended to be delivered to you by John
Paul Jones, Esq., an active and brave commander in
our Navy, who has already performed signal services

202 JOHN PAUL JONES

in vessels of little force; and in reward for his zeal, we
have directed him to go on board the Amphiirite, a
French ship of twenty guns, that brought in a valuable
cargo of stores from Mons. Hortalez & Company, and
with her to repair to France. He takes witii him his
commission, some officers and men, so that we hope
he will, under that sanction, make some good prizes
with the Amphiirite; but our design of sending him
is (with the approbation of Congress), that you may
purchase one of those fine frigates that Mr. Deane
writes us you can get, and invest him with the com-
mand thereof as soon as possible. We hope you may
not delay this business one moment, but purchase, in
such port or place in Eiux>pe as it can be done with
most convenience and despatch, a fine, fast sailing
frigate or laiger ship. Direct Captain Jones where
he must repair to, and he will take with him his offi-
cers and men towards manning her. You will assign
him some good house or agents to supply him with
everjrthing necessary to get the ship speedily and well
equipped and manned — somebody that will bestir
themselves vigorously in the business, and never quit
it imtil it is accomplished.

If you have any plan of service to be performed in
Europe by such a ship, that you think will be more
for the interest and honour of the States than sid-
ing her out directly. Captain Jones is instructed to
obey your orders; and, to save repetition, let him
lay before you the instructions we have given him,
and furnish you with a copy thereof. You can then
judge what it will be necessary to direct him in, and
whatever you do will be approved, as it will un-
doubtedly tend to promote the public service of this
country.

You will see by this step how much dependence Con-
gress places in your advices; and you must make it a

THE "RANGER" 203

point not to disappoint Captain Jones' wishes and ex-
pectations on this occasion.

We are, ike.

(Signed) Robbkt Morbis,
The Honourable Benjamin Richabd Henrt Lee,
Franklin, Silas Deane and Wm. Whipple,
Arthur Lee, Esquires, Com- I^il. Livingston.
missioners, &c.

The marine committee, under the direction of Rob-
ert Morris, had long intended to compensate Jones for
his deprivation of the conmiand of the colonial fleet,
and now carried out their design in this honorable
appointment. Jones's feelings of satisfaction were ex-
pressed with the enthusiasm which always burst from
his truly grateful heart at any marks of honor which
were bestowed upon him. ''This was generous in-
deed,'' he wrote to his friend Hewes, ''and I shall feel
the force of the obligation to the last moment of my
life."

On the 26th of May Mr. Hewes wrote to him from
Philadelphia, whither he had journeyed after the ad-
journment of the North Carolina assembly at Halifax,
where he had lost his election to the Continental Con-
gress. He had been forced to leave Philadelphia in
the autumn on account of his seriously impaired health,
and he was still further afflicted with rheumatism during
the winter and imable to leave the South; but as a
member of the firm of Hewes & Smith, ship-owners
and Continental agents of Congress for the purchase
and equipment of vessels ordered for the navy, he was
far from idle. He was also a member of the secret com-

204 JOHN PAUL JONES

mittee of Congress, appointed for the purchase of these
shipS; and in these double and curiously consonant
occupations he employed what energy he possessed
with his usual conscientious zeal. He did not arrive
in Philadelphia until some six weeks after Jones had
departed for Boston, and was naturally much con-
cerned to hear that his prot^4 had been superseded
in the naval list of October 10. In words of sincere
friendship and sympathy he wrote:

"My utmost endeavors shall be used to service you,
from a conviction that you ought to command some
who were placed higher than yourself.'' He added
also, by way of explaining the difficulty of obtaining
appointments: "You will be surprised to hear how vast
a number of applications are continually making for
officers of the new frigates, especially for the com-
mand.'' This letter, calculated to allay the burning
sense of injustice which Jones felt at his supersedure
was unfortunately long delayed in reaching him, and
he was left to brood over his grievances for many
months.

Immediately upon the receipt of his orders from the
marine conmiittee, Jones set about the business of en-
gaging the force he was directed to take with him on
the Amphitrite, but here, again, he encountered the
hostile influence of Hopkins. The seamen he engaged
through the Continental agent at Rhode Island were
part of his old crew of the Providence, and were most
eager to again sail tmder his conmiand, but they were
immediately impressed by Hopkins's son, on the Wear-
ren, and prevented from joining him.

THE "RANGER" 205

It is interesting to recall that the Amphitrite was
the vessel sent over to America laden with ammuni-
tion and stores, for the assistance of the colonists, by
Baron Beaumarchais. The extraordinary author of
"The Marriage of Figaro" was, in fact, the very first
Frenchman to propose practical support for the Amer-
ican insuigents. By the exercise of his unequalled
tenacity and enthusiasm, he prevaQed upon the French
court to authorize the sending of this ship with sup-
plies, which were, indeed, desperately needed by the
indigent government at this critical moment of the
Revolution. The house of Hortalez & Company, re-
ferred to in Jones's orders from Congress, was Beau-
marchais himself, designated under this fictitious name.
Beaumarchais believed in the success of America's
struggles for independence whfle yet there were few to
agree with him,^ and not the least of the crimes of in-
gratitude which lie at the door of the Continental Con-
gress was the disgraceful attempt to repudiate the
cotmtry's debt to this ardent and invaluable friend.

In the last week of May Jones proceeded to Ports-
mouth to see and consult the captain of the Amphir
trite, but on the 26th he wrote to the marine committee
from that port to inform them that the French cap-
tain had refused to permit him to embark on board
his ship, except as a passenger, conceiving that it
would be "a dishonor to the French Flag to suffer an
American commission to supersede his." The instruc-
tions of the marine committee had been, in fact, de-

* As early as September 21, 1775, Beaumarchais wrote in a memorial
to Louis XVI: ''America shall escape the English in spite of
efforts."

206 JOHN PAUL JONES

cidedly vague as to who should command on board
the AmphitrUe, and the refusal of her captain was in
no way surprising. The committee made no further
attempts to cany out this plan of transporting Jones
and his force to Europe, and was very wiUing to accept
Colonel Langdon's suggestion that Jones should take
command of the Continental ship of war Ranger, then
being built imder his direction at Portsmouth and very
near completion. On the 3d of Jime Jones wrote for
the first time to the three commissioners in Paris —
Franklin, Deane, and Arthur Lee — ^informing them
that he was of the opinion that Langdon's su^estion
would probably be adopted by Congress. '^I ardently
wish/' he writes, in conclusion, to these gentlemen, ''to
be again in active service, and in the meantime the
prospect I have of being shortly under your direction
affords me a very singular pleasure, for although I am
personally imknown to you, I altogether esteem your
characters." Refused a command on the Amphibrite,
Jones now returned to Boston to await further orders
from Philadelphia. After a few more days of delibera-
tion the marine committee decided to accept Lang-
don's proposition, and gave Jones command of the
Ranger. On the 14th of Jime Congress passed two
notable resolutions: the first, adopted the stars and
stripes as the national banner of the United States;
the second appointed Paul Jones to the command of
ibe Ranger.

Resolved: That the flag of the thirteen United States
be thirteen stripes, alternate red and white, that the

THE "RANGER'' 207

Union be thirteen stars, white on a blue field, repre-
senting a new constellation.

Resolved: That Captain Paul Jones be appointed
to command the ship Ranger.

These resolutions were not simultaneous, and were
passed among some sixteen others during the proceed-
ings of the day; but, following the conclusions of
Jones's first biographer, the impression became very
prevalent that Congress intended to honor Paul Jones
in their juxtaposition, and to link his name in glorious
union with the first mention of the stars and stripes.
Several of his later biographers have repeated the mis-
statement and still further promulgated the error. No
claim to the honor was ever made by Jones himself,
and there is no evidence to indicate that there was
any intentional significance in the action of Congress.

On the 18th of Jime the marine conunittee, deter-
mined to aid their favorite officer in every way in their
power, wrote him a most flattering letter, giving him
unlimited orders and authorizing him, with Colonel
Langdon and Captain Whipple, to engage and com-
mission his officers. With the near prospect of action,
Jones's feelings now became hopeful and even opti-
mistic. He proceeded with eager alacrity to the busi-
ness of manning his vessel. The Ranger was a new
full-rigged ship of war, small but fast-sailing, and he
was ddighted with her. She was originally provided
with twenty-six guns, but Jones decided that she was
incapable of carrying more than eighteen six-poimders.

On the 2d of July he wrote to his friend Captain
Parke, of Providence, asking his aid in enlisting his

208 JOHN PAUL JONES

crew, saying that he considered the Ranger ''the best
cruiser in America," and to Louis CJharrier, of New
Bedford, whose assistance he also requested, that '' since
the establishment of our Navy, no person in it has had
so good, so fair a prospect of success/' About this
time he met with his brother officers in Boston to de-
cide upon the uniform for the American navy. It is
evident from his correspondence that although he was
displeased with the manners and abilities of some of
them, he was on friendly terms with many who im-
doubtedly better deserved his approbation. His rela-
tions with Captain McNeill, of North Carolina, based
on the pleasant associations which always attached
him to the home of his benefactors, were very intimate
and prolonged for many years. During tins time he
formed a friendship with Major Frazer, another South-
em officer of good birth and education, with some ex-
perience in the Continental army. Li various letters,
preserved in the collection of Jones's correq>ondence
in Washington, there are glimpses of their mutual as-
sociations during his stay in Boston. Abraham Liv«
ingston and William Tumbull, merchants and Conti-
nental agents in that city, are referred to by Frazer as
part of ''our Boston family," which would indicate that
they had all been stopping together at some boarding-
house in Boston, one of those centres of hospitality
described in the memoirs of the time, where Conti-
nental officers and sympathizers with the patriot cause
were wont to meet in friendly and often convivial
companionship. These men were evidently warmly
attached to Jones and were on the most friendly and

THE "RANGERS' 209

serviceable terms with him. He furnished his enthu^
siastic friend Frazer with ample funds^ and recom-
mended him for the position of senior captain of the
marine corps, which was to sail on the Ranger, an
appointment which the major avowed he desired for
''amusement" and the opportmiity afforded for the
free passage to Europe. Hearing of the previous ap-
pointment of Captain Roach to the Ranger, and of
certain charges which led to his suspension, Jones,
with great delicacy, prolonged his stay in Boston for
a number of days before proceeding to Portsmouth
to take conmiand of the ship. His letter, despatched
to Captain Roach on the 12th of July, furnishes the
best possible proof of the real kindness of his attitude
to his brother officers:

Portsmouth, Jtdy 12(fc, 1777.
Sib:—

I am come here on a disagreeable errand, to super-
sede you, against whom I have no cause of compkunt.
Delicacy would not permit my more early appearance.
I wish to give you time to consider whether your sus-
pension can be in any respect owing to me. You must
be convinced that it was not, when you recollect that
I was appointed to conmiand a far better ship than the
Ranger. Besides, I think you believe me incapable of
baseness. You will have an opportunity of disprov-
ing whatever may have been said to your disadvan-
tage, and the ch^urges against you, whatever they are,
must be supported by incontestible facts. Otherwise,
thQT wOl gXno credit with men of candor and ingel
nuity. Your present calamity may yet terminate in
your future happiness, when it appears that you have
been wrongfully charged. You wiU be entitled to a

210 JOHN PAUL JONES

greater share of public good will and i^probation than
you could otherwise have claimed.
I wish you well, and am, Sir,

Your most obedient,

Very humble Servant,

Jno. p. Jones.

By his considerate delay in Boston, Jones missed
the opportunity of joining in the Fourth of July cele-
bration which took place in Portsmouth on the first
annivereary of the Declaration of Independence. A
contemporaneous accotmt relates the manner in which
the day was observed.

From the FreemarCs Jawnvd^ Saturday, July 12,
1777:

Friday, the Fotuth of July, being the anniversary of
American Independency, the day was celebrated with
joy and festivity. The forts and batteries fired a num-
ber of cannon. Captain Thomson gave a general in-
vitation to all true friends to America and Indepen-
dency to repair on board the Continental Frigate at
twelve o'clock, where a cold collation was provided to
refresh the visitors. At one o'clock the following toasts
(toast) was drank throughout the ship, — ^prosperity,
freedom and independency to the thirteen United States
of America, which was proclaimed by firing thirteen
guns on board the frigate, secondly the guns from the
French ship and the Portsmouth private ship of war,
which was succeeded with three cheers from the Raleigh
and answered by the other ships, and a laige con-
course of people which were assembled on the wharfs,
testified their joy and approbation on this ever mem-
orable day, whidi ought never to be forgot by all the
lovers of liberty.

THE "RANGER" 211

On this occasion it would have been highly appro-
priate to unfurl for the first time the new national ban-
ner. Although it was not hoisted in battle and on land
until August 6, over Fort Stanwix^ Boston and Ports-
mouth were in a much more direct line of travel from
Philadelphia than that far-distant post^ and might
easily have received the annoimcement of its adoption
a month eaiiier. As Paul Jones had by this time re-
ceived the news of his appointment to the Aon^er, which
was made on the same day as the adoption of the new
flag, it is probable that the latter resolution had been
promulgated in Portsmouth, and that flags of the new
design were prepared and hoisted from the ships and
forts on the Fourth of July. But the honor of first im-
furiing the stars and stripes from a ship of war, which
has also been claimed for Paul Jones, is not supported
by historical evidence. If he had been lucky enough
to have had the opportunity of first imf urling the new
national banner from the Ranger y it is not to be be-
hoved that he would have omitted to mention the fact.

As soon as he arrived in Portsmouth, Jones imme-
diately set about the business of equipping and man-
ning his ship. In the enlisting of his crew he found
considerable difficulty, and, as in the case of the crews
of the Alfred and the Providence^ he undertook to aid
the poverty-stricken government by advancing a por-
tion of their wages. The seamen refused to engage
for more than one cruise, and the advance of twenty
dollars promised in the publicly posted hand-bills was
agreed to by Congress only on condition of a longer
engagement. Jones, realiring that these men must

212 JOHN PAUL JONES

enter with contentment upon their service^ wrote
to Lieutenant Elijah Hall, engaging himself to ad-
vance the sum promised, and promising also to leave
a sum in Boston for half the monthly wages of the
crew, to be drawn upon by their families during their
absence. The patriotic character of this generous action
needs no comment.

The month of July was spent in the tedious busi-
ness of equipping the Banger, and the time dragged on
veiy slowly during the hot days of the smnmer. Jones
wrote frequently to his friends Parke and diarrier,
uiging them to hasten the business of enlisting the
crew. At the end of July he finally reported as to his
progress and plans to Robert Morris, expressing his
already fully matured ideas as to the best methods of
carrying on the war on the coast of England. '^I
have ardently wished for an opportunity of distinguish-
ing myself in an enterprising conunand,'' he wrote,
''and I agree with you that our infant fleet cannot
protect our own coast, and therefore ought to be em«
ployed to draw off the enemy's attention by attacking
their defenceless places. I am persuaded that even
with a trifling force, it is practicable to lay some of the
enemy's cities under contribution, and to do indefinite
damage to their shipping. I know them to be subject
to panic under the least surprise, and the business may
be effected before they have time for recollection."
The period of inactivity and delay in equipping the
Ranger was destined to be prolong to a far greater
extent than Jones had anticipated, and many weeks,
and even months, were to pass before he could finally

THE "RANGER" 213

set sail for the adventure which he so ardently de-
sired; but the tedium of his days was soon reheved
by the news of the near proximity of his friend Hewes
at Boston.

A letter from John Adams to his wife, dated July
11, which was to be carried by Hewes himself, states
that he departed from Philadelphia on that date to
go to Boston. Adams's letter contains a character-
istically clear description of his distinguished messen-
ger. "Hewes has a sharp eye, a keen penetrating
sense, but what is of much more importance, is a man
of honor and int^rity . I hope you will treat him with
all the complacence due to his character. I almost
envy him the journey although he travels for his
health, which at present is infirm."

On the 27th Jones sent Hewes the following singu-
larly affectionate and confiding appeal for reinstate-
ment in his rank. He sent with this letter a packet
containing various documents supporting his claim
for reinstatement, and asking that his friends Living-
ston and Tumbull, in whose care he addressed the
letter, should also inspect its contents and give him
their opinion and advice:

PoBrrsiiouTH Augt. 17th, 1777.
Mt Deab and Honobed Sm

Inclosed you have sundry letters &ca. which you
are at liberty to use at discretion— for I can unbosom
m3rself to you with the utmost confidence. You have
laid me imder the most singular obligations & you
are indeed the Angel of my happiness; since to yoiu*
Friendship I owe my present enjoyments, as wdU as

214 JOHN PAUL JONES

my future prospects. I will not attempt to thank
you by letter— but endeavor to prove by my conduct
that your Friendship and good opinion is not mis-
placed.

I do not at present expect an alteration to take place
in the line of Rank — ^but I will hope for a Seperate
Command, by which I may be enabled to distinguish
m3rself in the Service; for I should esteem it a greater
di^race and a worse hardship, to be set tmder the
command of any Man who was not in the Navy as
eaiiy as myself, than to be fairly Broke and expelled
the Service — especially as the Man I speak of cannot
plead Superiour knowledge, or Superiour Services; and
many of them with whom I have conversed, McNeill
among the rest, have had candour enough to acknowl-
edge that they did not expect to come into the Service
in any other Capacity tlum as Junior OflScers. I aver
that many of them durst not step forth at the b^in-
ning in such ships as the Alfred then was, and at a time
when Independence had not even been mentioned out
of doors. I know what misfortune is, and I dare meet
it again, in its most frightful aspect, rather than lose
my Rank. There are characters, among the thirteen
in the list, who are truely contemptible, with such, as
a private Gentleman, I would disdain to Sit down, I
would disdain to be acquainted. I am no prophet,
but, an alteration in the Navy Rank will take place
at a period not far distant. Justice will point out the
Necessity of that alteration. Should it not take place
wiU it not leave room for reflection? — and how will any
Gentleman now in the Service be assured that he will
not also be superceded by men of Presumptive abilitiesf
I am very far from meaning to reflect on the Gentle-
men who drew that line of Rank. I am persuaded
that it was done with intentional Impartiality; but
they have been misled by misrepresentation; and their

THE "RANGERS' 215

not being long conversant in Navy matters laid them
open to opposition. I esteem several of the thirteen
Captains by whom I am at present superceded — ^but
until they give proof of their superiour abilities I never
shall acknowledge them as my Senior Officers— I never
will act imder their command.

I enclose a Copy of my letter to the Marine Com-
mittee on the subject of Rank when I supposed my-
self superceded by one man; and I am by no means
inclined to retract my sentiments now, that I find
(my) self superseded by a number. — If I had deserved
thiS; I am unworthy of bearing a Commission, I am
unworthy of drawing my sword in the Cause of Free-
men. I am tmcertain whether Mr. Morris did or did
not think it expedient to lay that matter before the
Committee— perhaps he did not. I would not make
a difficulty about trifles, but this is no trifle to me. I
have last winter Paid off the sloop Providence, and ship
Alfred from the b^inning; and from the date of my
fiiBt Commission imtil now, I have received no more
public money, as an individual, than the Fifty pounds
which was Ordered by the Committee this time Twelve
Month to provide Cabin Stores at Philadelphia and
I have now no proq)ect of a Settlement. In the time
of Twelve Weeks, including the time of fitting out the
Alfred at Rhode Island, I took twenty four prizes —
among which was only one Sloop — and I have received
little more than three Thousand Dollars as my share
of prize Money. Yet these and a thousand other dis-
agreeable circumstances I consider as trifies— but, to
be superseded after all is insupportable. — ^The Ranger^ s
Top-Sails will be sent to-morrow — and I hope to over-
come all the Difficulty that subsisted when I took this
Command and to have the Ranger at sea much sooner
than any other ship in the Service hath yet been. I
may ventiu:e to affirm that there is not one of the thir-

216 JOHN PAUL JONES

teen persons in question who would in my situation,
proceed to sea without a settlement— yet I will go.

I am deeply sensible of the many distinctions and
preferences which I have lately experienced from Con-
gress; as well as from the Marine and Secret Com-
mitt^. I am incapable of Ingratitude, and ardently
wish to be employed in such l^terprising services, as
will convince them that I have not deserved their
former n^lect. I now understand that the Raleigh
and Alfred are, by the advice of Captain Whipple and
Colo. Langdon, destined for France in Order to pro-
vide the Raleigh with Stores, altho' she is now Laden
as deep as a Merchant Ship. I mention this as there
is a probability of our Junction there and I am pre*
detennined not to serve under that dull inactive Gen-
ius,^ who would serve with more reputation in a Dock
Yard than as a Commander in the Navy. There are
Frigets now building and lately built in France that
mount Thirty two Guns on One Deck — ^I wish for the
Command of one of these Ships — and indeed for the
present, we ought to build Ships of no other Construc-
tion—they sail exceedingly fast, and are capable of
carrying Eighteen pounders.

Please to put the complaint against Captain Manly
into the hands of General Warren — ^it will give me
much pleasure to hear from you before you leave Bos-
ton, and I request yours and Mr. Livingston's free
sentiments and advice on this letter. I have had the
greatest respect for his Father and for Colo. R. H.
Lee and coidd be happy in corresponding with them.

Please to inform me to whom you Conununicate the
paper which I shewed you in PhiLs^elphia, and whether
you think it prudent for me to shew it to any person
this way. You will soon hear of my destination. I

* Captain Thompoaiiy of the Raleigh, afterwaid dismissed from the
navy.

THE "RANGER^^ 217

can write you to Philadelphia before I saQ. I will hope
to hear from you in France should I proceed there.

I have many things to say on Navy Matters— but
must at Present condude with repeating what I have
repeatedly advanced — ^I mean that short enlistments
are Incompatible with the Necessaiy Subordination of
a Navy— therefore I aver that the Seamen of these
States ought to be Registered and made subject to
serve in their turns for three years at one time. I
have the honor to be with much respect and perfect
Esteem,

Sir,

Your veiy Obliged
Very Obedient

Most humble Servant

J. P. J.
The Honble.

Joseph Hewes.

No efforts on the part of Mr. Hewes, devoted as
he was to Jones's interests, produced any result. By
the 25th of August, as stated in one of Frazer's letters,
''Mr. Hewes has gqne to the southward,'' and another
of Abraham Livingston's states that the letter to
Hewes, which had been sent to his care, had safely
arrived, but not the packet which accompanied it.
The letter from Livingston is kind, even paternal in
tone. He advises Jones to refrain from criticism of
his brother officers, and promises to ''do the needful"
in the way of preseating his letter to Hewes in Phila-
delphia, where it was lus expectation of meeting him
before long, avowing that if he fails to serve him it
will be for lack of opportunity rather than of desure.
was the sort of influence which alwajrs calmed

218 JOHN PAUL JONES

Jones instantly and restored his equilibriiun, as is
shown in the following brief letter to HeweS; in which
he recapitulates the situation in a spirit of perfect rea-
sonableness and promises to pay obedient attention to
his advice:

PoKTSMOUTH Scplr. Ist, 1777.
My dear and honored Sir

Inclosed you have copies of sundry letters &c.
which I forwarded to you on the 17th Ulto. under
cover to Messrs. Livingston and Tumbull and which
I fully expected would have reached your hands in
Boston, but by carelessness or otherwise the Packet
hath never reached their hands and is I fear entirely
lost. Inclosed you have also the copy of my letter of
the 24th to Mr. Morris, and of the 30th to the Com-
missioners at Paris, llie reason of my then writing
to Mr. Morris appears in the letter. I look up to him
and to you with sentiments of the highest esteem and
Gratitude ^nd my first wish is to appear deserving
in his and in your sight and to have it in my power
to render Eminent Services to America. Perhaps my
fears have been needless. I will rely on the goodness
of Congress. I hope they will not put me under the
command of men who diust or did not embark in the
Navy before the 7th of December, 1775, for I assure
you I dread such dishonor worse than Death. I can
have no desire to decline the service while the liberties
of America are doubtful. It is my pride and glory
that I was one of the first who endeavored to ddfend
her Just rights; suffer me but to continue in the line
wherein I embarked. I ask no more, or if that be too
much, I am willing to stand an examination with any
one, or with every one of the Thirteen persons by whom
I am at present superseded, and will yield the point
to superior services and abilities. I cannot now hope

THE "RANGERS' 219

for the pleasure of hearing from you before my de-
parture, which is fast approaching. I however will
expect that pleasure when I reach France, for by a
late letter from Mr. Morris to Genl. Whipple it ap-
pears that Congress still mean that I shoidd attend
to my former Orders from the Secret Committee.

I am not disgusted, nor under a Childish pet; but
I will continue in the Service in the hopes that the
day is not far distant when my present fears and ap-
prehensions will be finally removed; in the meantime
I mean only to express my sentiments in decent tho'
manly language. I confess in the Overflowing of my
heart that the command of the important eiqpeditioh
which was alloted to me by Mr. Morris last winter
far exceeded my expectation. I am also deeply sensi-
ble of the distinctions and preference which I have
since that time experienced from Congress and from
the Marine and the Secret Committees, and, I attrib-
ute the mistake in the line of Rank not to intention,
but to your absence, and to the partial recommenda-
tions which were then exhibited.

I rely on your Friendship — ^I promise to pay atten-
tion to your advice, and I most sincerely am

My dear Sir your very Obliged very Obedient most
humble Servant

J. P. J.
The Honble. Joseph Hewes.

On September 6 the marine conmiittee sent Jones
his final orders, directing him to sail as soon as pos-
sible for a convenient port in France, and to report
immediatdy to the conunissioners upon his arrival.
A letter of September 7 to his friend Certain McNeill
announces that he is at last ready for sea, and ex-
presses the wish that McNeill, who has similar orders

220 JOHN PAUL JONES

for Etirope, might sa3 in his company. The letter con-
tains a generous and interesting reference to the gal-
lant Nicholas Biddle^ who later met a glorious death
in the explosion of his ship Randolph, in a gallant
encounter with an overwhehningly superior enemy:
'^It is reported here that Captain Biddle hath latdy
met with great success on a cruise of only five days
from Charlestown, having taken and carried in five
Jamaica ships, two of them ships of twenty and eigh-
teen guns. They sailed in a squadron bound for New
York. The twenty gun ship ran alongside of the
Randolph and ordered Biddle to strike, he answered
'He would salute first/ The action was short with
the ships of force, and th^ having yielded, their con-
voy was yielded of course. It gives me pleasure to
hear this account, especially as Biddle hath been for
a long time unf ortimate. Should it prove true, it will
give a spring to our Navy operations.''

Although ready, as he supposed, to set sail by the
first favoring breeze, two more additional montiis of
intolerable delajrs were still to drag by before Jones
was finally able to put to sea, and under this torture
he was unable to maintain his reasonable frame of
mind and became again a pr^ to tormenting reflec-
tions. The following communication to the marine
committee, dated the 29th of October, gives a lively
idea of some of the annoyances he was subjected to
during this trying period:

With all my industry I could not get a single suit
of sail completed until the twentieth ciurent. Since
that time ti[ie winds and weather have laid me under

THE "RANGERS' 221

the necessity of continiiing in port. At this time it
blows a very heavy gale from tiie northeast; the ship
with difEiciilty rides it out, with yards and topmasts
struck and whole cables ahead. When it clears up I
expect the wind from the northwest and shall not fail
to embrace it, altho' I have not now a spare sail, nor
materials to make one. Some of those I have are made
of Hissings, a coarse thin stuff. I never before had
so disagreeable a service to perform as that which I
have now accomplished, and of which another will
claim the credit as well as the profit. However, in
doing my utmost, I am sensible that I have done no
more than my duty. I have now to acknowledge the
honor of having received your orders of the 6th Ulto.,
and that I have before me the pleasing prospect of
being the welcome messenger at Paris of the joyous
and welcome news of Buigoyne's surrender. I have
received despatches from the Council of Massachu-
setts for the Clommissioners, by express. I shall there-
fore not go out of my course imless I see a fair op-
portunity of distressing the enemy, and of rendering
services to America.

On the 30th of October he again poured out the
burden of his overcharged heart in the following fare-
well letters to his friends Hewes and Morris:

Ranger, Pobtsmouth 30th Oct. 1777.
My dbab and honored Sir: —

I herewith iQclose copies of my letters &ca. since
you left Portsmouth. You will no doubt be Surprised
to find that the Ranger is still in port — ^but the Won-
der must cease when you understand that with all my
own and my Officers Application and Industry I have
not been able to complete a Single Suite of Sails till

222 JOHN PAUL JONES

within these few days past— and other materials have
been equally Backward. Had not my officers exerted
themselves in procuring Materials the Ranger mi^t
have remained in port as long as the Raleigh. I never
before had so disagreeable a service to perform as tiiis
which I have now accomplished^ and of which Another
will claim the Credit as well as tibe profit.

I have been fully manne4 for near two months past
— so you may imagine what I must have felt on being
thus detamed by a heavy Gale from the N.E. — ^when
it clears up I purpose to embrace the first Wind that
can cany me fiiro' the Enemies lines and off the Coast.
— ^I have received Orders and despatches from France
and hope to be the welcome Messenger at Paris of
Burgoyne's Surrender^ &ca.| &ca.

I have now to inform you that a few days ago I had
the honor to receive by post your esteemed favor of
the 26th May 1776 from Philadelphia— <lirected to
me as Commander of the Providence at New York. —
my best thanks Sir, are particularly due to you for the
S^timents of R^ard therein expressed. — ^this letter
had I been in doubt before, would now confirm me in
the belief that had you been present in Congress the
10th day of October 1776 1 should have held my proper
Rank in the Service which (if I was worthy of my &8t
Commission) is No. 5 — ^not No. 18. —

That I should be thus d^aded and set imder Thir-
teen men, who durst not nor did not Embark in the
dispute, and in ships unfit for War like the Alfred^ as
Early as myself, distracts my veiy Soul! A sea officer
who can bear to be superseded by any man of Pre-
sumptive Abilities and talk or can think cooly of it is
a Villain! I know one person among the Thirteen
who, after I had embarked in the Service, made a private
agreement with the Captain of one of the Ehiemies
Ships to carry himself, his Family and effects off the

THE "RANGERS' 223

Continent. This can at any time be proved by the
testimony of his Neighbors. I can find many other
exertions among them — and not one of them can
teach me my duty — or will ever go further with a Small
force in the Service than I have already done and mean
to do again whenever an Opportimity offers. I should
be to the last d^ree Unhappy were it not for the hopes
I have that Congress will yet do me right. I cannot
think of quitting the Service— my whole mind is rapt
in the Dispute! But how shall I have Spirit to per-
form my Duty while I think myself d^raded and out
of my proper Place? Without boasting, you know
Sir, that I have not deserved this.

As you have been pleased to say in your letter that
''I oi^t to have Conmianded some who were" (at
the b^inning) '^placed in a higher Rank than myself,
—I shall only add that I would lay down my life for
America— but can never tnffle with my delicate no-
tions of Honour.

You will please to excuse the liberty which I have
taken in Joining yoiu* Name with that of my friend
Abraham Livingston in a General letter of Attorney
for the disposal of the Captor's part of all prizes that
may be taken by the Ranger and that may Arrive in
any part of America — excepting only the States of
New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island
and Connecticutt. Should you decUne to Act in be-
half of the Captors you will singularly Oblige by Ap-
pointing such person or persons Within any or every
of the Nine States not excepted as you think will do
Justice and render satisfaction. As you know that
the Credit of the Service depends not only on dealing
fairly with the men Employed in it, but on their belief
that they are and will be fairly dealt with.

You will also be pleased to excuse the liberty I have
taken by inserting the Esteemed Names of Robert

224 JOHN PAUL JONES

Morris and Joseph Hewes in my own private Letter
of Attorney and, as ExecuiorSj in my Will — both of
which will be herewith forwaixled into the hands of
Mr. Morris with Duplicates for you.

Major Frazer goes with me as a Volimteer— He
wishes to have an Employment in the Marine Service
— and desires to assist me on my private Enterprize —
he hath given a description so truly Elysian to a small
Estate on the Mattapony, Virginia^ that I wi^ to
become the purchaser. He writes his friend CJolo.
Braxton thro' the Hands of Mr. Morris to whom I will
transmit the necessary Siun — I wish you could satisfy
yourself re^)ecting the Situation and properties of
the Lands &c. before the purchase.

I most ardently wish for the Ck)mmand of some
Spirited private Ehiterprize whereby I may be enabled
to prove that I have not merited the disgrace of being
Superseded.

I will hope to hear frequently from you while in
France to care of Thos. Morris, Esqr., Agent Nantes
— ^in the meantime I am with GratdPul S^timents of
perfect Esteem and regard,

Dear Sir

Your very much Obliged
Most humble Sei^.

J. P. J.
The Honorable

Joseph Hewes.

Ranger, PoinsMOXiTH 30ffc October, 1777.
Honored and dbab Sir

I herewith inclose duplicates of my letters &ca. to
you since I took command of the Ranger— I have left
open the letters and papers &ca. du'ected for Mr.
Hewes which I beg of you to peruse before you forward
them. — ^my situation is a truly delicate one— Super-

THE "RANGER" 225

seded by thirteen persons^ not one of whom had em-
barked in the Navy when my first CJommission was
dated— some of whom durst not or at least did not
then nor for many months afterwards avow their Re-
publican Sentiments but were on the other side, if we
may judge from the private Testimony of their Neigh-
bors— ^not one of whom is better acquainted with Navy
matters than myself — and several of whom are alto-
gether illiterate and Utterly ignorant of Marine af-
fairs.— ^this is my situation, and the more I think of
it the more Unhappy I am, — ^when I reach France
I must expect to meet with Gentlemen who consider
themselves as my Senior Officers and by whom I am
superseded — ^in acknowledging their Seniority must I
not also obey their C!ommands and Confess that their
Promotion over me was the Reward of their Superiour
Service and abilities— and how much must I then be
humbled! may not the World believe that others have
cast me thus far at a distance and thrown me out in
the pxumdt of Honor — ^the thought distracts my veiy
Soul! — ^Why alas! should my Honor and my Duty seem
incompatible? — ^tho this may appear a Solecism yet
it's reality afifects me more than aU the former misfor-
time of my Life— some of them were perhaps br'ot
about by my own misconduct — ^this I am sure was not,
— ^I cannot think of quitting the Service especially
while the liberties of America are Unconfiimed — I
must therefore look up to you as my Patron and Pro-
tector—Shall I take the Uberty to add, as my kind
IViend and Benefactor— with full dependence that you
\dll do yoiu* Utmost to set me right so as to enable
me to continue in the Service.

In my letter of 28th. July I mentioned Major Frazer
of Virginia— that Gentleman goes with me as a Vol-
unteer as he wishes to be employed in the Marine Ser-
vice—should that be agreeable to Congress he will,

226 JOHN PAUL JONES

from his rank in the Army, be Senior Officer in the Mar
iines-«nd he expresses a strong desire to accompany
me in any private Expedition — ^it is my first and most
ardent Wi^ to be entrusted with the CJommand of
some Spirited Enterprise — ^where I can have an Oppor-
tunity of proving that I have not merited the di^aoe
of being superseded.

I must beg you to pardon the Liberty I have taken
in inserting tiie Esteemed names of Robert Morris and
Joseph Hewes in a private letter of Attorney; and, as
Executors, in my Will, both of which are herewith
inclosed — ^Inclosed is also a letter from Major Frazer
to his friend CoP. Braxton of Viiginia respecting the
purchase of a small estate on the Mattapony which I
must request you to forward or not as you think most
for my benefit agreeable to the letter of Attorney — ^I
would only observe that I should be glad to own such
place as that is by description, but CoR Braxton will
give you a better account of it. —

Altho' I have not 'till now been able to get in readi-
ness with the Ranger — yet I assure you my utmost
Efforts have not be^ wanting. The Ship was Manned
in very little time indeed the only instance of the kind
that I remember in the Service — ^I have an Orderly
well disciplined and spirited Grew consisting of an
himdred and forty odd — and since the first of Sept',
oiu* Department hath been Impeded Soly thro' the
want of Canvass and many of the principle materials. —

May I indulge myself in the hope of hearing from
you in France? Nothing could afiford so much relief
to my anxious mind. I attribute my not having had
that Honor since I came here to the commotions in
Pennsylvania — and to your Opinion of my more early
departure.

As the dirty and Ungrateful insinuations of the late
Commodore Esek Hopkins to the Committee in March

THE "RANGERS' 227

last hath given me much concern — ^I have taken the
liberty to inclose a letter which I rec. on that subject
from Mr. Jarvis after my return to Boston — ^I know
that you were perfectly Satisfied before — and I hope
every other G^tleman was so. But I will leave no
room for refutation.

John Wendell Esqr. of this Place^ a Gentleman of
great landed Interest and of an extensive Circle of
Friends in Congress; has had the goodness to write a
variety of letters in my behalf re^)ecting the line of
rank and Command. His friends will from his remon-
strance mention the matter to you — and he expects
use their utmost interest in Congress — ^however I would
not wish to create a General Uneasiness in the Service
—if I am entrusted with the Conmiand of an expidi-
tion and should be so fortimate as to Succeed in it —
no exception can then be taken at my promotion.

The Inclosed Receipt from Major Gardner will I
believe Sufficiently explain the Situation of My little
private concerns in the Eastern States If I knew any
men whom I could esteem more than yourself and
Mr. Hewes I would not have given you ttiis trouble —
Should any letters Appear for me directed to y oiu* care
in consequence of tiie Indulgent liberty which you
gave me — ^I am sure they will be duly forwarded, I am
with a Heart overflowing with Sentiments of perfect
Gratitude Esteem and respect,

Honored and dear Sir
Your Veiy Obliged
veiy obedient

most humble Servant,
The Hon"* J. P. J.

Robt. Morris.

It is perfectly eacy to discern in this very full pres-
entation of Jones's thoughts to his confidential friends

228 JOHN PAUL JONES

the true motives of his conduct. Under the d^ree
of suffering expressed in these letters^ it must alwajrs
be remembered to his credit that he did not quit the
service in disgust. We see here no complaint of vanity
at the deprivation of his command of the fleet which
was promised to him, but bitter and agonized resent-
ment crying aloud in reiterated protest against the in-
sult of his d^radation in rank. The line of demarca-
tion which divides the one from the other is perfectly
dear, and should be observed at this time and care-
fully borne in mind if any accurate estimate of Jones's
true character and motives is to be reached.

The long delay had now come to an end, and the
hour of his departure was at hand. His rising spirits
were further exalted by the glorious news of Bur-
goyne's surrender, whidi, as he writes, reached him
about this time, and the official announcement of
which he was requested to carry to France. Jones,
however, was not the only bearer of the news, for a
copy only of the official document was given to him,
the original having been already despatched by John
Loring Austin, secretary to the Massachusetts board
of war, who had sailed on the packet Perch from Bos-
ton on the 31st of October. A few more letters pre-
served in his correspondence supply the details of his
final occupations diujng these last days. He dined
familiarly with the rich and influential Mr. Wendell,
of Portsmouth, whose son, placed under his command,
was recommended to his particular care and atten-
tion as a ''relative of the Hancocks^' and of Jones's
First Lieutenant Simpson. He directed his friend

THE "RANGERS' 229

Frazer to write about the purchase of his long-dreamed-
of home in Vii^ginia/ testifying in this way that his
last thought on leaving the country was of a final
return and a happy residence within its borders. He
bade farewell to his Portsmouth friends^ and then he
hoisted the stars and stripes to the Ranger^ a mast-head
and, on November 2, put out to sea,

iThu contemplated purchase was never oQPsummated, but rei»e-
aents the only inference to any home or land in Virginia existing in
hisMSS.

CHAPTER DC

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE

Once free from the annoyances of dday, which were
so particularly disturbing to Jones's temper, and again
afloat, he r^ained his normal poise, and entered into
a mood of cheerful activity as native to his mind as
the deck was to his feet.

The voyage across the Atlantic lasted a month, and
as it was late in the year he encoimtered toward the
end of it much severe weather. On the 29th of No-
vember, in a heavy gale, the Ranger hove to off the
Bay of Biscay. On Monday the weather cleared and
they sighted land from the mast-head, and on the fol-
lowing day ran in for the shore, just escaping a sand-
bank, but arrived all in good spirits, as is related
in Doctor Ezra Green's quaint little diary, at '^Pean-
beauf," on the River Loire, near the port of Nantes,
and came to anchor in the evening. A few dajrs after
Jones landed he despatched an account of his voyage
to the marine committee, in which the high enthusiasm
of his mood is clearly shown. The Ranger had dis-
appointed him in her sailing qualities, but he makes
no comment except to explain how he intends to
remedy her defects, and speaks of his crew with com-
mendation.

The character of his letters altered so sadly under
the repeated disappointments he was called upon to

230

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 231

bear that it is pleasant to note the original qualities
of his mind before his misfortunes had put it out of
tune. '' After passing the Western Islands, '' he writes,
'^I fell in with and brought to a number of ships. I
took two brigantines from Malaga. I fell in with a
fleet of ten sail under a strong convoy, but notwith-
standing all my efforts, was unable to cut any of them
out."

He does not mention in this letter that it was the
Invincible, a British ship of seventy-four guns, which
was convoying this fleet out of the Mediterranean, a
possible reason for this omission being that he was
reluctant to confess that he had lost two days in the
hopeless chase, and in so doing had missed the oppor-
tunity of being the first to bring the official news of
Buigoyne's surrender to the commissioners in Paris.
John iionng Austin had landed at Nantes on the 30th
of November, and by the time Jones had arrived
was weU on his way to Paris with the news.

Speaking of the Indien, the ship which had been
promised hun by Congress, he says:

I understand that the commissioners have provided
for me one of the finest ships that ever was built, but
were under the necessity of giving her up. My un-
feigned thanks are equally due for the intention as
for the act.

This was the largest of the frigates which were being
built in Europe under Silas Deane's direction, with
the aid of French funds and French engineers, and
Jones had been sent to Eiux>pe with the express object

232 JOHN PAUL JONES

of aflBiiming her command as a recompense for his de-
prival of the colonial fleet. The manner in ^diich he
accepted this second disappointment could hardly be
excdled.

On the 4th of December, which was the day after
he had come up to Nantes from Paimboeuf , he wrote
for the first time to the commissioners, giving a brief
account of his voyage and assuring them that he would
await their orders with particular pleasure. On the
next day he wrote again, giving his own views as to
the best method of conducting an aggressive warfare
against the enemy's coast. '^I am here/' he wrote,
^'and ready to receive, and to pay cheerful and prompt
obedience to your orders. It is my first and favorite
wish to be employed in active and enterprising ser-
vices where there is a prospect of rendering acceptable
services to America. The singular honor which a)n-
gress hath done me, in their generous acknowledgment
of my past services hath inspired me with sentiments
of gratitude which I shall cany with me to my grave.
I have always, since we had ships of war, been per-
suaded that small squadrons could be employed to far
better advantage on private expeditions, and would
distress the enemy infinitely more than the same force
could do by cruising either jointly or separately. Were
strict survey observed on om* part, the enemy have
many important places in such defenceless situations,
that they might ^ectually be surprised and attacked,
with no very considerable force. We cannot yet fight
their Navy, as their numbers and force is so far supe-
rior to ours, therefore it seems to be om* natural prov-

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 233

ince to surprise their defenceiess places and thereby
divide their attention and draw it off from our coasts/'

These conclusions, both brief and lucid, represented
the result of his long habit of dose thought upon the
best possible methods to be employed in fighting the
battles of his adopted country. Their wisdom and
common-sense were immediately approved by the com-
missioners and their execution left unquestioningly
to the man who had conceived them. The responsi-
bilify for their success was thus put entirely upon his
shoulders.

While awaiting a reply to this letter to the commis-
sioners Jones busied himself with the task of refitting
and improving the Ranger, which needed shorter masts
and heavier ballast. This tiresome business was re-
lieved by the pleasant associations he had formed
with the group of Continental agents then resident
at Nantes, who had given Jones and his officers a most
cordial welcome upon their arrival. Jonathan Will-
iams, whom Doctor Green describes as ^'a most amia-
ble character,'' was the first of these. He was Frank-
lin's nephew, and was afterward distinguished as the
founder of the military academy at West Point. The
commissioners had appointed him to his office, in
association with Thomas Moiris and his partner, M.
Penet, in the spring of this year, and he occupied
apartments at Nantes, where Jones was frequently re-
ceived. At this moment of his ardent youth he ful-
filled to perfection Jones's heau ideal of ^'candor and
ingenuity," and they entered into a brotherly and
most loving intimacy from the veiy first moment of

234 JOHN PAUL JONES

their meeting. Thomas Morris also owed his appoint-
ment to a distinguished relative; his half-brother^
Robert MorriS; but was very unreliable and dissipated
in his habits, and was on the point of being dismissed
from his post when his death; a few weeks after Jones's
arrival; removed him from his duties. John Ross,
also employed as an agent for the purchase of supplies
for the Continental cruisers, was another member of
this group, and with him also Jones bogan a life-long
relation of confidence and friendship. Williams's par-
ticular province was the forwarding of important letters
to and from the commissioners, and to his care Jones
intrusted all his official communications.

Jones found it necessary to avoid further association
with his convivial friend Frazer, who soon dqiarted
from Nantes, leaving his unpaid notes and his ser-
vant in Jones's hands. He refers to him in the follow-
ing hitherto unpublished letter to his partner, Robert
Morris, too frankly expressive of his inmost feelings
at this moment to be omitted:

Ranger, Nantes, 11th December 1777
Honored and Dear Sir: —

As the situation of affairs in Pennsylvania, when
I sailed from Portsmouth, rendered the conveyance
of letters from the Eastern States not altogether cer-
tain, I take the Liberty of inclosing copies of those
which I had the honor of writing to you while fitting
out.

It is not in my nature to persist intentionally in an
error, therefore I always widi to take the earliest op-
portunity of acknowledging a mistake; and as it now
appears from the situation of affairs, and more espe-

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 235

ciaUy from the important step that was taken in my
favor by the commissioners, in obedience to the gen-
erous and liberal sentiments and orders of the Secret
Committee that Congress have had my Honor and
Benefit at Heart; I must conclude also that it is not
intended to place me under the conmiand of men who
dm^ not; or did not step forth as soon as myself. In
this flattering belief I bid defiance to danger, and enjoy
once more the cheerful Ardom* and Spiriti which alone
can animate and support an Officer in the performance
of his duty. To be continued in the line wherein I
stepped forth, and found acceptance at the b^inning,
was, and is the height of my ambition; but for me to
fight under men who held back, and did not appear in
the first doubtful juncture, and who cannot now teach
me my duty, is impossible, nor will it be expected by
men of Candom: and ibigenuity.

When I have the honom* of hearing from the Com-
missioners, I will retiun my thanks to the Secret Com-
mittee, but what form of thanks shall I render to
you? ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ I am utterly at a loss, nor know how to
b^in, the obligations I owe to you are so many, so
important and were so unexpected, that I must be
grateful indeed did I not fed more than I can express.
But I detest flattery, therefore must decline the sub-
ject, lest I should enrobe fair truth in that flattering
dress. Yes, sir, I feel by a prophetic impulse in my
breast that I shall either numif^ a grateful sense of
your friendship by my conduct in life, or by meeting
my death in support of the great cause wherein you
have borne so noble and so respected a part.

It gives me pain to inform you that I found Mr.
Frazer to be a person different from what I thou^t
him in America; he is subject to drink even to intoxi-
cation, which is at least a weakness utterly incom-
patible with the Characteristic of a good Officer; how*

238 JOHN PAUL JONES

our placid horizon until after we had passed the Ever-
lastmg mountains of the Sea (called Azores) whose
tops are in the clouds, and whose foundations are in
the center. When lol this halcyon season was inter-
rupted! The gathering fleets overspread the sea and
war alarms b^tn, nor ceased day or night until aided
by the mighty Boreas, we cast Anchor in this asylum
the 2nd. current, but since I am not certain that my
poetry wiU be understood, it may not be amiss to add,
by way of maipnal note, that after leaving Ports-
mouth nothing remarkable happened until I got to
the eastward of the Western Idands, and from that
time until my arrival here I feU in with ships every
day, sometimes every hour. My heart glows with the
most fervent gratitude for every unsolicited and unex-
pected instance of the favor and approbation of Con-
gress, and if a Life of Services devoted to the interests
of America can be made instrumental in Securing its
Independence, I shall be the happiest of men. I es-
teem yom* son as a promising and deserving yoimg
man. I have just now had some conversation with
him and am much pleased with his diffidence and
modesty. He would not, he says, accept of a commis-
sion until he thinks himself equal to the duty of the
office of Lieutenant. There I think he shows the true
spirit. Anything in my power to render his situation
happy and instructive shall not be wanting. I must
rely on you to make my best compliments to the fair
Miss Wendell, and to the other agreeable Ladies of my
acquaintance in Portsmouth. I cannot, at present,
give you my address, but wiU drop you another how
do you do dfiortly.

On the 17th the commissioners in Paris replied to
Jones, summoning him, as soon as he should find it
possible, to proceed thither for a consultation. On

!

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 239

the 22d, having received these orders, he wrote to the
marine committee that as the ship Independence was
still in port it was his duty to inform them of the re-
ceipt of this letter and to proceed immediately to Paris.
He wrote that he should remain away from his ship as
brief a time as possible, and promised to use his best
endeavors to transmit accounts of his proceedings*
On the 23d he replied to the commissioners, saying
that he would wait to respond to their summons only
80 long aa was necessary to advance the repairs of the
Ranger to a point where they might progress without
him, and render her fit for sea upon his return.

It must have been very nearly the new year when
Paul Jones arrived in Paris for the first time, to enter
into association with European diplomacy, through the
American commissioners, and to enjoy the first benefits
of his friendship with Franklin. His credentials from
the marine conmiittee had been most flattering, and
encouraging news from home lent a hopeful atmosphere
to the American embassy, for this is what the resi-
dence of the commissioners at Passy was entitled to
be called.

The manner of the announcement of Buigojme's
surrender was narrated to Jones upon his arrival and
must have accentuated his regret that he himself had
not been the first messenger of the wonderful news.
A vivid record of the scene of the announcement is
preserved in an old and rare copy of a Boston monthly
magazine:

The commissioners had assembled at Dr. Franklin's
i^artments, on the rumor that a special messenger

240 JOHN PAUL JONES

had arrived, and were too impatient to suffer a mo-
ment's delay. They received hun in the courtyard,
before he had time to alight. Dr. Franklin addressed
him: "Sfr, is Philadelphia taken?'' "Yes Sir." The
old gentleman clasped his hands and returned to the
house. "But Sir, I have greater news than that. Gen-
eral Buigojme and his whole Armv are prisoners of
War." The effect was electrical; the diepatdies were
scarcely read before they were put under copy. Mr.
Austin himself was impressed into the service of
transcribing them. Commimication was without de-
lay made to the French Minister at Versailles.

It is interesting to know from other contemporaiy
records that it was none other than Caron de Beau-
marchais who was the messenger, and who, with Ar-
thm: and \^^lliam Lee, Silas Deane, Izard, Doctor
Bancroft, and Franklin, were dining together at the
home of the commissioners in Passy, to await Mr.
Austin. Beaumarchais (that same impetuous Beau-
marchais who broke the windows to ventilate Marie
Antoinette's little theatre at Versailles at the first
performance of his '^Marriage of Figaro") jumped
into his chaise and drove so furiously in the darkness
of the winter's night to VersaiUes that the chaise was
upset by the roadndde and his arm dislocated for his
pains.

Such thrilling news as the surrender of the great
English army was, indeed, sufficient to turn the head
of the French enthusiast and enough to raise the calm
philosophy of Franklin to a mood of confidence and
courage; and this was the mood in which he received
the man who was destined to be his chief support in

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 241

the war as waged by the Americans in Europe. Once
before, in the course of his life of extraordinary alter-
nations of fortune, Paul Jones had been brought into
contact with a group of individuals representing a
strat^c centre of important influence and a moulding
school of manners. It has been seen how his early and
providential e}q;)erience in North Carolina, under the
patronage of the aristocratic and powerful Willie Jones,
had illimiinated and given opportunity to his ambition.
But this preparation was only introductory to the
r61e he was now about to play in Europe.

The house at Passy which was the residence of the
American commissioners during the period of the Rev-
olution was lent to them by a generous sympathizer
with our cause, M. Leray de Ghaumont, who held impor-
tant naval appointments from the French Government,
with which he was in confidential relations. The gift
of this spacious official residence was reluctantly ac-
cepted by Franklin and openly objected to by Adams,
but it was probably countenanced if not instigated
by the French court, which desired this convenient
retreat for the representatives of the nation it se-
cretly wished to protect. It served, in fact, as a
meeting-place for the sympathizers as well as the
representatives of the new republic. It became the
principal rendezvous of politicians, gazetteers, soldiers
of fortune, and soldiers of the highest rank and im^
portance. The house occupied by the commissioners
was only a dependance of the property owned by M.
de Chaumont, which had then belonged to him but
a few months, having been originally the residence of

242 JOHN PAUL JONES

the Duchesse de Valentinois, and stOl called the Hotel
Valentinois. There were two houses on the estate,
which was considerable, one designated '^le grand
h6tel'' and the other '^le petit h6tel/' the laiger
bemg occupied by M. de CShaumont and his family and
the other by the commissioners. The relations of the two
households, separated as they were only by a garden,
became naturally intimate, and the proximity of Frank-
lin, who became the idol of the French court and the
admiration of the entire nation, was a source of infinite
pride and pleasure to his host, himself somewhat of a
philosopher and anxious to please the court and to be
serviceable to its favorite. At the time when Jones
first visited Passy, where he was destined to be later
a frequent and honored guest, Franklin had been about
a year in residence, and the unfortunate Silas Deane,
his co-commissioner, already involved in difficulties,
was soon to return to America, recalled by a resolu-
tion passed on the 8th of December, 1777, to give
an accoimt of his financial transactions with govern-
ment funds, before the bar of Congress. This was
brought about by the unjust suspicions of the third
commissioner, Arthur Lee, the marplot of the Revo-
lution, whose stormy disposition and jealous distrust
caused more trouble to his colleagues than any other
of the many difficulties which they were forced to
meet. The bitter enemy of Franklin, the cause of the
ruin of Deane and of Beaumarchais, the dupe of English
spies, this misguided patriot, for such his sincere love
of America declared lum to be, was also the cause of
infinite distress to Jones, and proved himself in the

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 243

latter's affairs an obstructionist and an enemy of the
most dangerous kind.

Over this nest of dissension, hid away in the peace-
ful retreat of Passy, the cahn philosophy of the all-
knowing, the welhiigh all-powerful Franklin fortu-
nately held sway, and to the refuge of his friendship, his
unerring and Idndly protection, Paul Jones was ever
welcome to return for assistance and advice. His re-
lation with the best and greatest Americans, most fort-
unately maintained in the case of Hewes and Morris,
was again exemplified in the case of Franklin. Paul
Jones found in him from the first his principal ally
and supporter, and their minds, practical, efficient, and
far-seeing, entered at once into active alliance, Franklin
receiving Jones's suggestions and on his own initiative
planning large schemes for his ^nplojonent in connec-
tion with the French allies. He recognized at once the
superb fighting instrument which Jones represented,
and was fully as eager as the latter's admirers of the
marine conmiittee to see his splendid powers in action.
The tenor of their correspondence, which was fully
preserved by th^n both, shows a reverence on Jones's
part and a paternal affection on the part of the sage,
fond, admiring, and yet reserved, as if he feared too
greatly to praise a favorite son. like a father, Franklin
corrected the young man, warning him of dangers and
sharply reproving his faults of temper. Fortunate, in-
deed, for the cause of America as for Paul Jones that
he found such protection and advice at the outset of
hisEiux>pean career.

Although received with flattering cordiality by the

244 JOHN PAUL JONES

commissioners, the news which awaited Jones upon his
arrival was far from exhilarating, as far as the princi-
pal object of his mission was concerned, for the rumor
of the sale of the Indien, and the loss of his promised
conmiand, was fully confirmed. The British ambas-
sador, Elliot, at The Hague, had discovered the secret
of the ownership and destination of the vessel, then on
the stocks at Amsterdam, from a chance sight of some
papers lying on the desk of M. Dumas, secretly em-
ployed as American agent at the Dutch capital. To
prevent the confiscation of the vessel in a neutral port
it was deemed imperative immediately to transfer it
to the French Government. Jones had no intention
of giving up his efforts to get the command of the ship,
but he realized that there was nothing to be done for
the moment, so he wasted no time in remonstrances,
and returned after a few days to Nantes to resume his
command of the Ranger. His ensuing correspondence
shows that the relations he had so quickly formed at
Passy included a warm and sympathetic friendship
with at least two of the commissioners and with Doctor
Bancroft, an Englishman officially employed by the
latter, and eminent for his scientific discoveries. The
letters of Silas Deane written to Jones at this period
abound in expressions of admiration and a desire to
further his designa—letters which indicate not only
the ardent nature of this unfortunate public servant,
but the engaging personality of his correspondent.
Deane had been from the first an active and influ-
ential member of the Continental Congress and also
a member of the first marine conmiittee. He was ap-

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 245

pointed business agent and American commissioner
at Paris in Jtme, 1776, and filled that arduous position
alone from July until December of that year, when
Franklin arrived to be associated with him. Although
he had embarrassed the government by his too easy
bdief in the representations of the French officers who
desired to enter the American army, he had been
eminently successful in the conduct of the very com-
plicated matter of procuring supplies through Beau-
marchais, which were absolutely essential to the pros-
ecution of the war. He is described as being a man
of distinguished manners and appearance, used to the
world, and, through his warm personal relations with
Beamnarchais, favorably known to the powerful French
minister of foreign affairs, the Count de Vergennes. Ar-
thur Lee, as a member of the influential and patriotic
Lee family, of Virginia, was closely related to Washing-
ton and was also in strong sjrmpathy with Adams and
the New England party in Congress. He resented
a subordinate position, or even the divided authority
which was forced upon him by the presence of his col-
leagues in France, and refused to subscribe either to
the diplomacy of Franklin or the conduct of the busi-
ness affairs by Deane. He f aQed, although with a very
small majority, in Congress, in his attempt to oust
Franklin from his position, but was only too successful
in his attacks upon Deane. No sooner had he arrived
in Paris than he sent the most sweeping and, as it
was proved, unfounded accusations to Congress as to
Deane's dishonesty, with the result that Deane's bills
were dishonored by his government and he was left

246 JOHN PAUL JONES

pennflesB in Europe. In this emergency, through the
earnest persuasions of Beaumarchais, Veigennes sup-
plied Deane's immediate necessities from the French
exchequer and sent him home to his trial in America
with honors from the King. In spite of the recom-
mendations of Franklin, who clearly testified to his in-
tegrity, Lee's suspicions prevailed with Congress, and
when Deane finally appeared in Philadelphia it was
only to be sent away shorn of the rowards he had
merited for his services to America and of every dol-
lar he possessed. Not the least of the political crimes
which lie at the door of Arthur Lee was the unde-
served persecution which drove this zealous patriot
to penury and to the despair from which his subse-
quent treachery to his country origmated.

The first letter in r^ard to Jones, which emanates
from Passy after his visit, is addressed to Jonathan
Williams, and directs him to advance Jones the sum
of five hundred ^^Louidores," for which his draft upon
the commissioners will be paid. This letter, although
signed by the three commissioners, is in the handwriting
of Arthur Lee, and represents the only evidence of
confidence in Jones for which he was recponsible.

Another short official document belonging to this
period gives a record of the sale of the Ranger* s prizes,
n^otiated by Williams, on the roverse side of which
is a note in Jones's handwriting, stating that it is the
only account of sales ever received from any agent.
This evidence of Williams's business int^rity is less
remarkable than the inference it contains in r^ard
to the other prize-agents employed in the sale of the

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 247

many prizes Jones captured, not only in Europe, but
in American waters, during the Revolutionary War.
Both Jones and Williams were soon to be sharers in
Lee's imiversal suspicion, and the statement of Jones
is therefore significant.

Jones now turned his attention to the cruise he was
planning to make in the Ranger, and, to his great satis-
faction, he received on the 15th day of January a letter
from the comxnissioneiB promising the re^s which
he had already requested for his officers and crew,
in case the e^e^ion should prove successful. Q^
January 16 his full instructions were sent to him.

Pabis, January 16^, 1778.
Capt. Jones,
Sir.
As it is not in our Power to procure you such a
Ship as you expected, we advise you after equipping
the Ranger in the best manner, for the Cruise you pro-
pose, that you proceed with her in the manner you shall
judge best, for distressing the Enemies of the United
States, by Sea, or otherwise, consistent with the Laws
of War, and the Terms of yom: Conmiission. If you
take Prizes on the Coast of France or Spain, send them
into BUJboa or Corogne, imless you should apprehend
the Danger too great; in which Case, we advise you
to send them either into L'Orient, or Bordeaux, di-
recting the Officers who may have them in charge to
apply at L'Orient to Mr, Moylan or Mr, Gourlade, and
at Bordeaux to Messrs. S, & J. T. Delaps, and inform
us immediately of their arrival, and Situation; if you
send to Spain, or should put into the Ports of that
Kingdom apply at Bilboa to Messrs. Gadroque, et fils,
at Corogne to Messrs, Loganikre & Co. if you miake

248 JOHN PAUL JONES

aa attempt on the Coasts of Great Britain, we advise
you not to return immediately into the Ports of France,
unless forced by the stress of weather, or the pursuit
of the Enemy, and in such Case, you can make the
proper Representation to the Officers of the Port and
acquaint us with your Situation; We rely on your
Ability, as well as your Zeal, to serve the United States,
and therefore do not give particular instructions as
to your Op(^:ation8. We must caution you against
giving any cause for complaint, to the Subjects of
France, or Spain, or of other Neutral Powras, and
recommend it to you to show them eveiy proper mark
of Respect and real Civility which may be in your
Power. You will communicate to your Officers and
Seamen the encoiuagement we give &em, and explain
to them that tho' it was not in oiu* Power to be par-
ticular as to the Rewards they should be entitled to,
yet they may safely Rely on the Justice of the Con-

Before you sail it will be proper to settle with Mr.
Williams the Account of yoiu* IMsbursements and send
the Account up to us.

We most heartily wish you Success and are with
much Esteem,
Sir Your most obed. & very humble Servants

B. Franklin
Silas Deanb.

These instructions, unlimited as to plan and desti-
nation, were such as were calculated to please Jones
best, but they were ttgned by only two of the com-
missioners, for Arthur Lee, already beginning to
make trouble for Jones, had written on the back
that he doubted the int^rity of the prize-agent at
L'Orient recommended by his confreres, and held that

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 249

American agents appointed directly by Congress should
be trusted with the business.

This example of the obstructionist character of Lee's
actions, based on a pretended obedience to the letter of
the varying laws of the far-distant Ck)ngre8s, is highly
characteristic of his subsequent course, and caused in
this, as in every other instance, incalculable difficulty
to those who, with gieater wisdom, were endeavoring
to follow, in the rapidly changing course of events,
the spirit rather than the letter of their government's
instructions.

A new and accelerated movement was now about
to take place in European affairs owing to the news of
Bmgoyne's surrender, which not only raised the hopes
of the conmiissioners but most importantly altered
the hesitating attitude of the French comrt in r^ard
to the American cause, the almost inmiediate result
being the resolution to adopt a corrunercial treaty of
alliance between France and the United States. This
all-important step was not determined upon without
long and careful deliberation by the French ministers.
As far back as the reign of Choiseul, the wisdom of a
sympathetic attitude toward the colonies was recom-
mended to the French coiurt. Individual liberty was
promulgated by Voltaire, social liberty by Rousseau.
Liberty was the favorite theme of the Encyclopedists;
it became the passion of the young nobles of the comrt,
which was already unconsciously republican, with an
ironical tragedy, working soon to its destruction. A
veritable rage for the new ideas spread rapidly and
dangerously among the people; the press was full of

250 JOHN PAUL JONES

'' anecdotes Am^ricaines/' school-children were fed on
Poor Richard's maxims, and Franklin himself had a
translation made of the States' constitutions, which
circulated freely with amazing results. The Comte
de Vergennes attempted to control the popular ex-
citement by forbidding the crowds in the cafds to
discuss the affairs of the American revolutionists, but
the voice of the people already sounded loud in the
corridors of Versailles, and the monarchical minister
and the Ejng himself were forced to yield to the
pressure. Not without long and careful balancing
of aiguments and possibilities was the treaty decided
upon. The memorials on the subject of the American
alliance from the pens of Turgot, who opposed it,
and of the astute Veigennes, who finally favored it,
perpetuate the profound and careful reflections these
great French statesmen had perfected. Vergennes,
who desired, above all things, the preservation of the
monarchy and who was devotedly attached to Louis
XVI, was in no wise inclined to yield to the poptdar
enthusiasm, but he did intend to weaken the power
6f Great Britain by any means in his conmiand. He
had largQ schemes for restoring the ancient power of
France by a net-work of treaties with European pow-
ers, and had long been contemplating a treaty of com-
mercial alliance with the new nation, to go into force
as soon as it seemed probable that her independence
was likely to become an established fact. For this
reason he had furthered the semi-mercantile but wholly
enthusiastic schemes of Beaumarchais for the assist-
ance of the colonists. With infinite patience and the

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 251

exercise of his accomplished diplomacy, he had man-
aged to lead the reluctant King of Spain, with the aid
of the Marquis de Grimaldi, who favored the idea of
humiliating England, to the very point of declaring
war against then- common enemy. Working upon the
Spanish King's resentment at the secret encourage-
ment furnished to Portugal by the British cabinet, in
their hostile threats against his country's supremacy in
the Spanish Peninsula, he represented that the Span-
ish as weU as the French possessions in the New World
were in imminent danger of being seized by the Eng-
lish, and that war was a necessity from which there
was no escape. The Spanish cabinet had so far 3rielded
to Vergennes's persuasion that it had joined with the
French ministry in the first loan of two million livres,
which was accorded to the American colonies through
the n^otiations of Beaumarchais. The formal con-
sent to this proposal was sent on the 27th of June,
1776.^

When the news of the Declaration of Indq>en-
dence reached France, Vergennes came to the conclu-
sion that the Revolution was as serious as he had
hoped and likely to be fought out to the bitter end.
He therefore, with the consmt of Louis XVI and his
coimcil, formally proposed to the Spanish cabinet that
war should be declared by their respective sovereigns
against England. The consmt of Spain, on condi-
tion that she should be permitted immediately to in-
vade Portugal, had just been received, when liie news

^"Espagne/' t. 580, no. 193, vol 1, 485: " F^ffiiGipation de la Fhmoa
dans FEtabliraemttit dee Etata UiuBi" DonioL

264 JOHN PAUL JONES

great a d^ree of frankness as the conditions permit-
ted, and by a courtesy as invariable as it was leepectr
ful. It was the natural result of high intdhgence,
deliberate reflection, and mutual confidence in each
other's integrity. Arthur Lee was suspected by Ver-
gennes, and John Adams's truculent independence
was equally repugnant to the suave but exceedingly
powerful lYench minister, who finally refused to treat
with him, or with any other of the many colonial ag^ts
who were imwisely sent with roving conunissions to
the various European courts.

When this first French treaty was signed, Arthur
Lee and Deane, still vested with the powers of com-
missioners, were present at all the interviews which
led to its adoption, but Franklin was the only one
who was seriously considered by the French court,
and, as events compelled, was eventually rdieved by
Congress of the embarrassment of divided authority.
Allied as he was thus closely with Vergennes and
the King, through their unfaltering confidence in his
ability, Frankhn began to plan expeditions in which
the American forces and those of the allies could be
used in conjunction. Following out this idea, he at-
tempted on various occasions to bring Jones into asso-
ciation with the distinguished French volunteers who
had ofifered their services to the cause of the colonies.
A letter from Silas Deane, written to Jones the day
after the signing of the treaty, makes reference to a
plan proposed, after Jones's visit to Paris, to bring
him into personal conununication with Lafayette.
Jones asked, and received permission, to join the con-

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 255

voy of American vessels awaited by La Motte Picquet
in Quiberon Bay and destined to accompany Lafayette
as far as Cape Finisterre on his retmn voyage across
the ocean. This plan was subsequently altered but
its intent is plain.

A few days after Jones's return to Nantes, while he
was still waiting for the completion of the alterations
of the Ranger, he received news by a Nantucket priva-
teer in regard to the situation of the British forces in
America of so encouraging a character as to set his
inventive mind immediately to work. He instantly
conceived a bold plan for an immediate invasion of
America by a fleet to be assembled from the forces of
the allies, which, as he calculated, would bring the
whole contest to a speedy conclusion. For some reason,
possibly because of the hasty manner in which it was
prepared and sent off hot-foot to the conmiissioners on
the very day Jones received the news from America,
he preserved no copy of this important paper. There
existed no trace of it in the large collection of his pi^rs
left to his family at his death, or of those left by
Jones in America, which formed the basis of Sher-
burne's biography, and were finally acquired by Con-
gress in the year 1867. S^arately preserved, how-
ever, for upward of a century among the Continental
Congress papers in the archives of the State Depart-
ment, this very important docmnent has finally come
to light. It may have found its way thither through
its inclusion in the Franklin papers, part of which
came into the possession of Congress, or Jones himself
may have procured a copy from Franklin for presenta-

256 JOHN PAUL JONES

tion to the government at the time of his long and tri-
imiphant examination by Congress in the year 1781.

The importance of this paper is very great in any
consideration of the character and career of Paul
JoneSi not only because it clears him from the suspi-
cion of having wrongfully laid claim to the authorship
of the plan of invasion, but because it establishes his
ability to conceive a great scheme of naval operations
which, to the incalculable loss to America, he was
never given the opportunity of conducting. In his
journal, written in the year 1787 for Louis XVI, Jones
gives in elaborate detail the completed plan of the
proposed expedition, and states that he sent it to Silas
Deane, who claimed it as his own and laid it before
the French court. Silas Deane was rewarded for this
service by the gift of a miniature of Louis XVI. This
letter, then, as it is here appended, containing the brief
but perfectly clear outline of the plan, must have been
temporarily sequestered by Deane, who seized the credit
himself. It is addressed plainly to the three conmiis-
sioners:

Ranger, Pahiboeuf, 10th Feby. 1778.
Gentlebcen: —

I had the honor of writing to you from Nantes the
27th Ulto. — ^the affair of Quiberon, which I did not then
know of, is now in every Brokers Mouth. — Strange I
that nothing can remain secret? — Should I then find
that farce likely to depart within a few days I will avail
my&dH of its protection — especially as it is the general
opinion that I can be of service to the supply ships —
however, unless something is determined very soon I
shall depart alone.

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 257

I heartily congratulate you on the pleasing News
contained in the within paper which I believe may be
entirely depended upon as the informant appears to
me to be very intelligent and well affected to America.

2. Were any Continental marine power in Europe
disposed to avail of the present situation of affairs in
America and willing to deserve oiu* Friendshipi a sin-
gle Blow well directed would now do the needful. —
Ten or Twelve sail of the line with Frigates well
equipped and provided would give a good account
of the Fleet under Lord Howe— for as that force would
be Superior to any of Howe's divisions— the strongest
being once taken — ^the Victorious Squadron might sail
in quest of the next in strength and reach it before ad-
vice.—I know the genius of &e English seamen (having
lived long on salt provision) would induce them to
enter on the Strongest side where they would find
better food — ^t^e .^erican Seamen would enter, of
course, and in all probability many of the officers
would Pull off the Mask and declare in favor of Heaven
and America. — Small squadrons might then be formed,
to secure the coast and cut off the Enemies supplies
while our army Settled the Account current. —

3. However extravagant this calculation may appear
on a slight view-it wiU not be found so in leaHty.—

Had Lord Howe or any commander in the Ene-
mies Fleet an Idea or expectation of such a Visit— it
is certain that the attempt would be folly and madness
—but as oiu* Enemies Ride in perfect security— that
security would prove their Ruin and insure our Suc-
cess. Whoever can surprise well must Conquer.

I have the honor to be with sentiments of esteem
and great respect, etc.

J. P. Jones.
The Honble. B. Franklin, Silas Deane and A. Lee, Esqrs.
American Commissioners &ca. Paris.

258 JOHN PAUL JONES

In the following extract taken from Jones's journal
he tells how he was deprived of the credit of this con-
ception:

As I had received from America on the 10th of
Februaiy, information in regard to the forces and the
location of the frigates and men-of-war mider Lord
Howe, I wrote on the same day to Deane, one of the
French Ministers in Paris, to conmiimicate to him
the plans and details of an expedition to be conducted
in America with only one squadron and ten ships of
the line with some frigates and troops, with the ob-
ject of entirely destroying the forces of England in
the United Stiates before they had time to send to
England for reinforcements. France had then afloat
thirty ships of the line, as well as a number of frigates,
fully equipped and ready for service. There never
had been, and there was no prospect of there being
again, so wonderful an opportunity of striking an
overwhelming blow at the English Navy. If the plan
of the expedition had been adopted without delay,
and a squadron despatched from Brest, Great Britain
would have had no knowledge of this destructive proj-
ect imtil after it had been carried out in America.
Lord Howe would have been surprised and captured
in the Delaware; his squadron would have imme-
diately been armed from American forces, and sep-
arating in small detachments to left and right, the
naval forces of England would have been completely
destroyed before the arrival of Admiral Byron. The
resulting enthusiasm of the Americans would have so
supported General Washington that he would have
taken New York, and captured or destroyed all the
English regiments in the United States.

At the same time, the French squadron, raising the
English flag off the Harbour of New York, would have

/

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 259

lured into the trap and taken Admiral B3nx>n, and fol-
lowing that; all of his squadron, whose vessels, sepa-
rated by storm during the passage, arrived one after
the other in New York. Thus, in a single campaign,
with little expense, France would have had an admi-
rable opportunity of establishing the Independence of
America, and with a single blow to bring Great Britain
to her feet, thereafter to abandon her boast of being
''Mistress of the seas.'' What will be the opinion of
posterity r^arding France's long neglect of this unique
opportunity? W01 it not judge that this fault was
only increased by the adoption of the project three
months later, when the time had passed, by sending
the squadron from Toulon instead of from Brest, and
causing a delay of at least another month? It is use-
less to add to tiie narrative of these details the unhappy
effects which were caused by this delay, the general
result of which was a long, bloody and costly war in
which France, Holland, Spain and the East Indies were
afterwards embroiled.

When Deane presented to the Court of France the
plan of the expedition which I had conceived, he had
the bad faith to claim the honor of its invention for
bdmself , and received in consequence the portrait of
Majesty on a box ornamented with diamonds.

A comparison of these two docmnents will prove,
without question, the identity of the ideas and author-
ship, and justify the authoritative and deUberate judg-
m^t of Captain Mahan, expressed in the following
conclusion :

The comprehensive professional intelligence, com-
bined with daring in enterprise, and endurance in
action, shown by Jones, give the best antecedent to-
kens of the great general officer that might have been.

260 JOHN PAUL JONES

Although rewarded by the gift of the portrait of the
King, Silas Deane, on the eve of his recall, did not
bring about the immediate adoption of the plan of in-
vasion which Jones had so hastily and urg^tly recom-
mended. But when Count d'Orvilliers, then admiral
of the French fleet assembled at Brest, heard of the
plan from Jones himself a few weeks later^ the project
was again put in motion. D'OrvillierSi then and always
in perfect accord with Jones, approved the plan and
enclosed a copy of it to M. de Sartine, the minister of
marine, with a letter recomm^ding its immediate
adoption* \^th the added authority of this advice the
plan was adopted and ev^tually put into operation.
How the expedition, under Count d'Estaing, failed of
success is a matter of history, but it is highly probable,
if the French fleet had started at the time when
Jones proposed it and had followed out his plan,
the war would have then and there been brought to
an ^d. On March 31, in a letter to the French min-
ister of marine, Jones again makes mention of this
plan, and in a still subsequent letter to him insists
that ''had Count D'Estaing arrived in the Delaware
a few days sooner he might have made a glorious and
easy conquest."

There is a forgotten piece of testimony in r^ard to
this ill-fated expedition in the form of a letter from
Jones, hidden away, in the finest of print, in the ap-
pendix of Miss Taylor's rare compilation of her uncle's
papers of the year 1830. It is a curious and interesting
f ragm^t. The letter is without date and lacks an ad-
dress, but, according to the authority of th6 editor, it

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 261

is an authentic letter in Jones's own handwriting and
bears his signature. It is well known that, owing to
the ill-advised policy of the French Govemmenti Coimt
d'Estamg's fleet was ordered to start from Toulon
instead of from Brest, and sailing finally on April the
13th, two months after Jones had proposed the expe-
dition, wasted still another month in getting into the
Atlantic. Gontraiy winds still more delayed the fleet,
and it was not until July the 8th that it appeared before
the mouth of the Delaware, just too late to intercept
the little British squadron, which had left the river a
few days earlier, when Howe evacuated Philadelphia.
Washington sent his aides, Hamilton and Laurens, out
to Sandy Hook when the fleet arrived off the entrance
of New York Bay, where they held a councfl of war
with the French admiral. Hamilton had brought pilots
with him to conduct the vessels through the channel,
but neither his pilots nor those D'Estaing had brought
with him from the Delaware would venture to take the
larger ships across the bar. In despair, D'Estaing
jumped into a small boat to try and reconnoitre the
passage for himself, with no success. Arguments and
inducements alike proved fruitless, and so the little
English squadron remained safely in the harbor while
the great French fleet lay helpless without, and this
through ignorance which seems strange, indeed, and
incredible in these latter days. How bitterly and
how long D'Estaing felt this failure is vividly told by
Jones.

" Count D'Estaing " — ^he writes curiously in this for-
gotten letter — ''the King never had a subject who

262 JOHN PAUL JONES

loved him better, imd who is a more worthy citizen. I
gave the plan the 10th of February 1778. That long
and unnecessary delay rendered it scarcely possible for
the expedition to succeed. This was no fault of the
Admiral. He would have surmounted every difficulty,
and taken Lord Howe in the road of New York, if
a generous sacrifice of his own fortune 150,000 livres,
could have induced the pilot to conduct him over the
bar.''

The letter, too long to quote in its entirety, breathes
the atmosphere of an intimate and even recent convert
sation witii D'Estaing himself, and might well remain
as an apology not only for the conduct of the French
conmiander on this imsuccessful expedition, but for his
character and entire career.

Jones had now completed the alterations of the
Ranger and was again ready for sea. Leaving Nantes
on the 12th of February, with Jonathan Williams and
brother aboard, he arrived off Quiberon Bay the follow-
ing morning. He bore the flag of a new nation and
was determined that it should be recognized by the
admiral of the French squadron at Quiberon. He im-
mediately sent in his boat to demand a salute for the
stars and stripes from the French commander. How
he obtained this first recognition of American inde-
pendence through this first salute to the nation's
flag is related in his own words in a natturally jubilant
accoimt to the marine conmiittee:

I am happy in having it in my power to con-
gratulate you on my having seen the American Flag
for the first time recognized in the fullest and amplest

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 263

maimer by the Flag of France. The Brig Independence
accepted of my convoy from Nantes to this place; I
was o£F the Bay the Idith, and sent in my boat to know
if the Admiral would retmn my salute. He answered
that he would return to me as the Senior American
Continental Officer in Europe the same salute which
he was authorized by his Court to retiun to an Admiral
of Hollandi or of any other Republic, which was Four
Girns less than the salute given. I hesitated at this,
for I had demanded gun for gun, but after a very par-
ticular inquiiy, on the 14th| finding that he had r^y
told the truth, I was induced to accept of his o£Fer; the
more so as it was in fact an acknowledgment of Amer-
ica's independence. The wind being contrary and
blowing hard, it was after sunset before the Ranger got
near enough to salute La Motte Picquet with 13 guns,
which he returned with 9. However, to put the mat-
ter beyond a doubt I did not suffer the Independence to
salute till next morning, when I sent word to the
Admiral that I should ash. through his fleet in the Brig,
and would salute him in open day. He was exceed-
ingly pleased and retiuned the compliment also with
9 guns.

Elsewhere Jones states, with an inference very ex-
pressive of the courage of the French conmiander
and his enthusiasm for the cause of America, that
''Neither he nor La Motte Picquet had at this time
any knowledge that the Treaty with France had been
signed.'*

The act of recognizing the American flag was, as a
matter of fact, the virtual as it was the first acknowl-
edgment of American independence by France. That
this gallant officer experienced some pleasure in the in-
teresting act of acknowledging for the first time the

264 JOHN PAUL JONES

independence of America is pleasantly inferred by
Jones's assurance that he "was exceedingly pleased at
the compliment/'

It is interesting to recall that the man who thus
gladly and promptly acknowledged our national ex-
istence was scarcely less distinguished for services to
his coimtry than the young commander who demanded
it. It is interesting also to remember that the first
laurels of La Motte Picquet's career were won in fight-
ing for America's independence. Enthusiasm for the
new nation, and for the cause of human liberty it rep-
resented, was evidently as preval^t among the young
and highly bom officers of the French navy as among
the soldiers who were so eagerly ofifering their services
tootirarmy. It will be remembered, also, that no
officers were accepted at this time in the French navy
who could not prove their noble descent. Here, then,
was an atmosphere which exactly suited Paul Jones,
and where indeed his charming manners and his en-
thusiastic ideals foimd a warm welcome and appreci-
ation. He ei^ressed his satisfaction in his report to
the marine conmiittee:

This squadron is officered by a very well bred set
of men. They have all visited the Ranger and ex-
pressed great satisfaction, calling her a '^parfait bijou."
When Mr. Garmichael and myself visited their diips,
we were received with every mark of respect and glad-
ness, and saluted with a feu de joie.

Another extract hints at the manner in which he was
intmiding to execute the unlimited orders of the com-
missioneis.

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 265

I have in contemplation several enterprises of im-
portance, where an enemy thinks a design against him
improbable, he can always be surprised and attacked
with advantage. It is true I must run great risk, but
no gallant action was ever accomplished without dan-
ger; therefore, ''although I cannot ensure success, I
will endeavor to deserve it/'

Writing again on the same day to the marine com-
mittee to express the gratitude which filled his heart
at the recollection of the flattering terms they had used
in regard to him in their letter of reconmiendation to
the commissioners, he took occasion to send them a
patriotic ode indited by some French enthusiast of
the American cause, and recommends the author to
the attention of Congress.

This somewhat sentimental proceeding, although
probably not imsympathetic to the grave forefathers of
our Congress, who were themselves prone to express
their feelings in quotations from the poets, is highly
indicative of the exhilaration of Jones's emotions at this
time. The first accredited standard-bearer of a new
nation, he was received with the most flattering atten-
tions from the ''well-bred" ofiKcers of the French fleet.
His glory-loving soul basked in its proper atmosphere,
and the laudatory phrases of Congress rang harmoni-
ously in his ears.

Bis correspondence indicates the warm and affec-
tionate intimacy which already existed between his
American associates and himself, and abounds in refer-
ences to frequent meetings with the French ofiKcers.
The flattering reception he received at Quiberon was

266 JOHN PAUL JONES

repeated at Brest, whither he repaired on the 3d of
March, waiting without at Cammeret, as he relates in
his journal to Louis XVI, until the French ambassador
at London had formally announced the treaty between
his country and America. On the 23d of March he
entered the harbor and received again the salute to his
flag from Admiral Count d'Orvilliers, in command of
the French fleet. It was not until a month later that
the action of these two commanders in formally recog-
nizing the American flag was authorized by their govern-
ment. On the 27th, Sartine wrote to L' Avigne Buisson,
at Brest, sending him instructions to that effect.

A week later, on the 31st of March, Jones wrote for
the first time to the minister of the French marine.
This letter was the first of a long and voluminous
correspondence between Jones and Sartine, which he
wrote with the evident permission of Count d'Orvilliers,
furnishing another characteristic example of his meth-
ods of making valuable relations with those in power:

Ranger, Bbest, March Slat, 1778.
M. DE Sabtine, Minister and Secretary of)
State far Oie Marine Department )
Honored Sir: —
As I have not the honor of being known to you, I
hope you will pardon the Uberty I take of enclosing the
copy of a letter from the Secret Committee of Congress
to the American Commissioners in Europe. I must,
however, acknowlec^ that the generous praise yAdch
is therein bestowed on me by Congress, far exceeds the
merits of my services.

My reason for laying this matter before you is, be-
cause I am destined by Congress to command a frigate

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 267

of a veiy large construction lately built at Amsterdam,
— and as political reasons made it necessary for that
frigate to become French property, I am now induced
to hope that on her arrival in France, she will again
become the property of America, and of course, be put
under my command.

The within extract of a letter dated 10th Feb. last,
to the American Commissioners will, I hope, prove to
you the real satisfaction with which I have anticipated
the happy alliance between France and America. — ^I
am, sir, convinced that the capture of Lord Howe's
light ships and frigates in America, and the destruction
of the enemy's finery at Newfoimdland, which might
easily be effected this summer, would effectually de-
stroy the sinews of their Marine, for they would after-
ward be unable to man their fleet; and as to their
army in America, that must fall of course.

I should be ungrateful did I f oiget to acknowledge
the polite attentions and favors which I have received
from Gompte d'Orvilliers, M. De la Porse, M. la Motte
Picquet, and every officer in this place.

llie Admiral d'Orvilliers has, I doubt not, com-
municated to you a project of mine. I am, sir, am-
bitious of being employed in active and enterprising
services; — ^but my diip is of too small a force, and
does not sail so fast as I could wish. If I am success-
ful I will return to France, and hope for your counte-
nance and protection.

I have addressed you, sir, with the same freedom
which has ever marked my correspondence with Con-
gress. The interests of France and America are the
same; and as I hope to see the common enemy hum-
bled, I shall be happy if I can furnish any hint whereby
that even can be effected. Meantime,

I have the honor to be

With profound respect &c.

268 JOHN PAUL JONES

Jones had eveiy reason to be satisfied with his experi-
ence at Brest, for Count d'Orvilliers received him with
eveiy mark of confidence and esteem, and invited him
constantly to his table. With the long experience of an
old commander he recognized at once that he had to do
with a man of remarkable ability, possessing that rarest
of qualities, an imaginative constructive brain. He
not only introduced him to M. de Sartine, but instantly
recognized the value of Jones's plan for Count d'Es-
taing's expedition and, as has been seen, reconmiended
it to his court. He went further than La Motte Pic-
quet in his recognition of the flag of America, for he
retmned eleven guns instead of nine to the thirteen
guns of the Ranger. He assured Jones that his letter
to M. de Sartine would procure him the eagerly coveted
command of the Indien, and recommended the in-
tendant of the port, M. de la Porte, to man the vessel,
with the result that Jones was promised four hundred
French seamen to make up his crew. The Indien had
finally been completed and launched at Amsterdam,
and Jones had eveiy expectation of finding her waiting
for him at Brest upon his return from his cruise in the
little Ranger. Having secured D'Orvillier's French
ship Fortuna as a consort, he wrote to the commis-
sioners, on the 4th of April, that he was ready to sail,
saying also that they might rest assured ''that I shall
leave nothing unattempted that can be expected from
the small force under my command. The time which
has been lost gives me the deepest concern, but I know
of no other remedy than to make the better use of
that to come.''

ARRIVAL IN EUROPE 269

On the 9th he was still at Brest. ''We have been
out/' he wrote to his friend John Ross^ ''but obliged
to put back^ not being able to weather Ushanf His
spirits were high and impatient, and expressed with a
certain youthful ardor of f eeUng which creeps with re-
freshing interest into the official pages of his reports.
"The world, as Mflton said of Adam, lays all before
me/' he writes agam to Ross, and to Silas Deane he
declares: "If I meet with much Game, I may continue
the sport three months/' He wrote affectionate fare-
wells to Jonathan Williams and " all friends at Nantes,"
and thus, confident and happy in the prospect of im-
mediate action, he set sail on April the 10th for the
first of those descents upon the British coasts which
were destined to prove the wisdom as well as the
daring of his conceptions.

CHAPTER X

THE "RANGER'' CRUISE

In issuing '' unlimited '' orders to Jones, the commis-
sioners followed the example of the marine conmiittee,
and must have had no Uttle satisfaction in thus re-
lieving themselves of any personal responsibility for
his possible failure. Their experience in conducting
what was among many other offices a ''naval bureau"
in Europe, had been marked with difficulties and dis-
asters. Nothing better exemplifies the temper of the
Americans in this war than the fact that it was carried
boldly into European waters and that expeditions and
depredations against the coasts of England, her com-
merce, and her ships, should have been attempted with
the absurdly small forces at the conmiand of the com-
missioners. Silas Deane, while sole agent of the col-
onies in Europe, had been occupied with a zeal and
activity which should not be foigotten in the piuxhase
and building of the Continental cruisers which were
destined for this hazardous service. Franklin himself,
when called upon to share the responsibility of conduct-
ing this part of the war, was by no means backward
in devising schemes of harassing the enemy, although
not conspicuously experienced in the knowledge or
management of naval affairs. The plans he suggested
in niunerous letters to Congress, prior to Jones's arrival,
with their daring guesses at what a more professional

270

THE "RANGER" CRUISE 271

executant was about to attempt^ flluminate another
province in his weUnigh boimdless capacity. He de-
clared that he had not ''the least doubt but that two
or three of the continental frigates might intercept and
seize the great part of the Baltic and northern trade,
and that one frigate would be sufficient to destroy
the whole of the Greenland whale fishery and take the
Hudson's Bay ships returning/'

In carrying out this policy of aggressive warfare the
eaptains of the American cruisers had met with some
success, but several serious disasters. Lambert Wickes,
who brought Franklin to Europe in the Reprisal, had
sailed alone all around the British islands in his little
vessel, captiuing many British einps unaided until
joined by Captain H. Johnston in the LexingUm, when
they made several successful cruises together; but
when Wickes took refuge in French ports to refit and
to sell his captiued vessels he had been peremptorily
ordered out by the French Government. Franklin
attempted to evade what he perfectly realized to be
a breach of international law by ordering Wickes to
moor his vessels somewhere in the ''offing/' con-
tiguous to the ports, and there secretly to sell his
prizes; but the proceeding was fraught with danger to
the invaluable although yet unavowed friendship of
France, and Wickes was finally sent away from Euro-
pean waters and was lost at sea, off the coast of Nova
Scotia, going down with the little vessel in which he had
done such valiant and us^ul service. The Lexington
was captured, and her crew, including Richard Dale,
were thrown into prison in England. Gustavus Conyng-

272 JOHN PAUL JONES

ham, almost as cdebrated as Paul Jones himself for the
audacity of his cruises in the British Channel^ had been
appointed captain of a secretly armed cruiser sailing as
a merchantman, and in accomplishing the feat of capt-
uring the Harwich packet which plied between Eng-
land and Holland he created the wfldest excitement and
alann in England. Unwisely^ however, he turned back
with his prize into the open port of Dunkirk, that very
French port which had been shorn of its batteries and
put under Engh'sh surveillance during the late humiliat-
ing conflict between France and En^and. The English
authorities complained loudly and with perfect reason,
with the result that the prizes were given up to the en-
emy, and Conyngham and his crew throTm into jaa at
Dunkirk. No sooner was CJonyngham released by the
complaisant intendant of the port than he sailed on
another daring predatory raid, but was agam captured,
and this time cast into a British militaiy prison,
where, in a dungeon and in fetters, he was subjected
as a rebel to the most brutal treatment.

Paul Jones was now about to risk these dangers,
with an ardor undiminished by disaster. Although
given a free hand by the commissionerB, he was des-
tined to discover that his officers were by no means
ready to support him. Several reasons existed for this.
In the first place, it was well imderstood by both officers
and crew that Jones had been promised command of
the Indien upon his arrival in Eim>pe, and Lieutenant
Simpson, expecting to assume the command of the
Ranger as soon as Jones should have crossed the At-
lantic, considered himself already her captain, and had

THE "RANGER" CRUISE 273

imbued the crew of New Englanders with this idea.
The new notions of republican independence were also
strongly prevalent among them^ and they declared that
their opinions^ as representing the voice of the people
on this American vessel, should prevail even over those
of their commander. They were none of them i^ntn-
pathetic with Jones's daring schemes of warfare. Some
of them confessed "they had no turn for enterprise/'
and all were infected with the singular greed for gain
which privateering had bred in American seamen, to the
detriment of the government service. Jones well under-
stood the unheroic temper of his crew, and having him-
self advanced a portion of their wages to induce them
to sail in a ship of war, he now stipulated with the
commissioners for rewards to insure contentment and
proper co-operation. Their gratitude for his generos-
ity took the usual form of expectation of future favors
and bound them in i^ntnpathy not to their commander
and benefactor, but to each other in a common dispo-
sition to criticism and insubordination. Such was the
mettle of the crew which Jones had to depend on for
aid and support in the execution of his plans. Their
aveision to anythmg which smacked of adventure
brought about the entire failure of some of his projects,
and only sleepless vigilance and unyielding determina-
tion enabled him to prevail against their opposition to
his wishes. He relates that his anxiely was so keen
that he remained practically sleepless during the whole
of this cruise, snatching a few hours only when a
momentary halt in the prosecution of his daring
schemes permitted him to repose.

274 JOHN PAUL JONES

The best account of his adventures is contained in
his own detailed report, sent to the commissioners a
fortnight after the completion of the cruise:

" I sailed from Brest/' he wrote, " on April 10th. My
plan was extensive. I therefore did not at the b^in-
ning wish to encumber myself with prisoners. On the
14th I took a Brigatine between Scylla and Cape Clear
bound for Ostend with a cargo of flaxseed for Ireland,
sunk her, and proceeded into St. Geoige's Channel
On the 17th I took the ship Lard Chatham with a cargo
of porter and a variety of merchandise and almost
within sight of her port. The ship I manned and or-
dered for Brest."

On the next day toward nightfall the Ranger was off
the Isle of Man, and the weather being fair and the
winds favorable, he steered his course toward the town
of Whitehaven. Out of this port, which was situated
on the southern side of the Firth of Forth, directly op-
posite to his Scottish home in Arbigland, he had sailed
as a boy and eveiy feature of the town and shore was
familiar to him. It is impossible not to be struck by
the fact that Jones chose this spot for the purpose of
dealing out a just retaliation for the wanton destruc-
tion practised by the English on the American coasts;
but his former familiarity not only with the locality,
but also with the unsuspecting temper of the inhabi-
tants, was unquestionably the reason which influenced
him in his choice. On the evening of the 18th he
was at the entrance of the harbor, his boats manned
and ready to start; but before eleven the wind sud-
denly shifted and greatly increased, blowing directly

THE "RANGER" CRUISE 276

inshore, and raising such a sea as to make a landing
impossible. Jones was now in the greatest danger
of losing his ship, for he had approached so near that
he was forced to crowd on all sail to escape from being
dashed upon the rocks. He succeeded, however, in
avoiding this danger, and getting away to sea to await
another and more favorable opportunity.

On the 18th, in Glenbue Bay, off the southern coast
of Scotland, he met a revenue wherry which he antic-
ipated would engage his apparently unarmed ship,
but in this he was mistaken, for the wherry outsafled
the Ranger and made her escape. The next morning
off the Mun of Galloway, he foimd himself near a
Scotch coasting schooner, and in spite of the risk of
exposing the true character of the Ranger he relates
characteristically that "he could not avoid sinking
her." A rumor of the presence of a fleet of ten or
twelve merchantmen at anchor in Loughryan Bay
tempted him to a descent upon that place, but a hard
squall arising agam intervened to protect the Scottish
coast, and deterred him from his intention. He chased
a cutter steering for the Clyde, this also ineffectually;
but sunk a sloop from Dublin to prevent her from giv-
ing information of his presence in those waters. On
the 20th, off Carrickf ergus, a fishing-boat boarded the
Ranger and from her crew, whom Jones detained on
finding they were pilots, he received the welcome news
that a ship he perceived at anchor in Belfast Lough
was the British sloop-of-war Drake, of twenty guns.
He immediately formed a plan of attacking her dur^
ing the night by an exceedingly brilliant manoeuvre,

276 JOHN PAUL JONES

which failed only through the incapacity of his subordi-
nates.

''My plan," he said, "was to overlay her cable and
to fall upon her bow, so as to have all her decks ex-
posed to our musketry, etc. At the same time it was
my intention to have secured the enemy by grappling,
so that, had they cut their cables, they would not
thereby have gained an advantage. The wind was
high and unfortimately the anchor was not let go so
soon as the order was given, so that the Ranger was
brought up on the enemy's quarter, at the distance of
half a cables length. We had made no warlike appear-
ance, of course, had given no alarm; this determined
me to cut immediately, which might appear as if the
cable had parted, and at the same time enabling me,
after making attack out of the Lough, to return, with
the same prospect of advantage which I had at the
first."

But the wind once more interfered, increasing to a
gale, before which the Ranger drove, barely escaping
the light-house rocks, and this protecting gale continued
with a stormy sea imtil the morning of the 22d, ^en,
as Jones writes agam, with a youthful hint of pleasure
and excitement: ''The weather was once more fair,
though the three kingdoms, as far as the eye could
reach, were covered with snow."

Again the Whitehaven plan came uppermost in his
mind, and with great difficulty he mani^ed to persuade
a party of thirty-one men to make the descent. At
midnight, having waited again for the capricious wind,
which had so often foiled his projects, he left the ship

THE "RANGER'' CRUISE 277

at laat, with two boat-loads^ with the intention of set-
ting fire to the shipping in the port. He commanded
the first boat himself^ leaving the other to Lieutenant
Wallingsf ord. The tide was running ebb, so that as
he writes:

When we reached the outer pier the day b^an to
dawn. I would not, however, abandon my enterprise,
but despatched one boat under the direction of Mr.
Hill and Lieutenant Wallingsford, with the necessary
combustibles in the North side of the harbor, while I
went with the other party to attempt the Soulli side.

The two docks lay parallel to each other, divided
only by a stone pier, and the task which Jones confided
to his officers should not have been difficult of accom-
plishment. After the issuing of these orders he con-
sidered it necessary to disarm the batteries of the two
forts, which guarded the entrance of the harbor, so as to
insure the safe retirement of his party after the attack.
With this idea in view he left several of his own boat's
crew to make all in readiness to fire the shipping in the
southern basin upon his return, and with the others he
rowed out to the strip of shore which lay imder the
walls of the northern fort. With no scaling-ladders
their only way of entering the fort was to mount upon
each other's shoulders, when they climbed in through
the embrasures, Jones himself in the lead, and found
everything silent and deserted, and all the sentinels
soundly asleep in the guard-house. This was precisely
what Jones had expected and counted upon, and he
relates with satisfaction that he '^ secured them all un-

278 JOHN PAUL JONES

banned/' It was now fairly daylight, and haste was
imperative. He spiked all the guns and left his own
men on guard, taking one man only (Mr. Green), to
accompany him to Uie southern fort, where he also
spiked all the guns without trouble or resistance.

''On my return from this business," he says, ''I natu-
rally expected to see the fire of the ships on the North
side as weU as to find my own party with everything
in readiness. Instead of this, I found a boat imder the
direction of Mr. Hill and lieut. Wallingsford returned,
and the party in some confusion, their light having gone
out at the instant it became necessary, and by the
strangest f atility, my own party was in the same situ-
ation. The day, too, had come on apace, yet I would
by no means retreat, while any hopes of success re-
mained."

Jones now placed sentinels, and having again pro-
cured a light from a lonely house far away from the
town, he kindled at last, with his own hands, a fire in
the steerage of a large ship which the tide had left
stranded, and which was surrounded by a number of
other vessels all agroimd, and lying closely side by
side. There was no time to kindle other fiies, barely
enough to feed the one already lighted by adding the
contents of a tar barrel found after considerable dif-
ficulty.

''The inhabitants now began to appear in thou-
sands," Jones continues, "and individuals ran hastily
toward us. I stood between them and the ship on fire,
with a pistol in my hand, and ordered them to retire,
which they did with precipitation. The flames had

THE "RANGER'' CRUISE 279

already caught the rigging and b^an to ascend the
mainmast; the sun was a full hours march above the
horizon and as sleep no longer ruled the world, it was
time to retire."

Again the note of youthful ardor creeps into the re-
cital of this daring exploit, which is repeated in his fol-
lowing description of the moment when he stood alone
on the pier, surveying with imperturbable coohiess the
scene of awe and consternation which he had created.

After all my people had embarked, I stood alone
upon the pier for a considerable time, yet no person
advanced. I saw all the eminences around the town
covered with the amazed inhabitants. When we had
rowed to a considerable distance from the shore, the
English b^an to run in vast nmnbers to their forts.
There disappointment may easfly be imagined when
they found at least thirty heavy cannon, the instru-
ments of their vengeance, rendered useless. At length,
however, they b^m to fire, having, as I apprehend,
either brought down ships' guns or used one or two
cannon which lay on the beach and which had not been
spiked. They fired with no direction, and the shot,
falling short of the boats, instead of doing us any dam-
age, afforded some diversion, which my people could
not help showing by dischaiging their pistols, etc., in
return of the salute. Had it been possible to have
landed a few hours sooner, my success would have been
complete. Not a single ship out of more than two
hundred, could possible have escaped, and all the world
would not have been able to save the town. What
was done, however, is sufficient to show that not all
their boasted navy can protect their own coast, and
that the scenes of distress which they have occasioned
to America, may be soon brought home to their own

280 JOHN PAUL JONES

door. One of my people^ was missing^ and must, I
fear, have fallen into the enemies hands after our de-
parture. I was pleased that in this business we neither
killed nor wounded any person. I brought off three
prisoners as a sample.

In his ''Memorial" addressed to Congress from the
Texel, in 1779, Jones further elucidates the object he
had in view in this expedition, and explains his Ueuten-
ant's failure to cany out his part of the plan to bum
the shipping at Whitehaven:

My first object was to secure an exchange of pris-
oners in Europe, and my second to put an end, by one
good fire in En^and of shipping, to all the burnings to
America. I succeeded in the first, even by means far
more glorious than my most flattering ideas had ex-
pected, when I left France. In the second, I en-
deavored to deserve success, but a wise officer of mine
observed that ''it was a rash thing, and that nothing
could he got by burning poor people's property." I
must, however, do him the justice to mention his ac-
knowledgment that he had no tum for enterprise, and
I must also do justice to my former officers in the Provir
dence and the Alfred by declaring that had they been
with me in the Ranger, 250 or 300 sail of large ^ps at
Whitehaven would have been laid in ashes.

iThis man, aooording to a foot-note in the Edinburgh "life of
Jones/' was a sailor called David Freeman, who voluntary remained
on shore, having given informaticm that fire had been set to a ship. In
an alarmed notice of the Whitehaven attack, published in the Cumber-
land Packet of April 28, 1778, he is described as the ''savior of the
town." Another account says that this man was seen running from
house to house shouting that the Americans had landed and were firing
the shipping, and the OenUemen'M MagaxinB for 1778 states that the de-
struction of the town was "providentially prevented by the exertions
of the inhabitants, who extinguished the flames before they reached
the rigging of the diips."

THE "RANGER" CRUISE 281

How often Paul Jones must have compared those
beloved and loyal officers of the Alfred and Providence
to the motl^ and mutinous crews which later he was
called upon to command. lU-dad and Ol-fed, they
shared with him the dangers of the northem seas, were
fired by his enthusiasm, grateful for his generosity, and
only too anxious to sail again with him. It has fre-
quently been charged by his detractors that Paul Jones
was an overbearing and unpopular commander. If he
had been f ortimate enough alwajrs to have been fur-
nished with crews like those of the Alfred and the Provir
dence it is safe to say that he never would have ap-
peared to deserve this imputation. The facts in r^ard
to the disposition of the Ranger^ 8 crew, set forth in his
own reports to the commissioners, and most amply
supported by the subsequent histoiy of these men, lead
to the conclusion that Jones's patience with their in-
subordination was nothing short of marvdlous, and the
success attained with their support an extraordinary
example of tact and determination.

Not having sole power to choose the officers of the
Banger, he had been compelled to accept the selections
of the two other members of the commission appointed
by Congress, John Langdon and Abraham Whipple.
These New England men, the first and most important
men in Portsmouth, were both more or less sectional in
their sjrmpathies and had no mind to give the ''North
Carolina Captain'' too much authority, particularly in
their own territoiy . Although permitted to take upon
himself the tedious and troublesome duties of equip-
ping the Ranger and of advancing the wages of the crew

282 JOHN PAUL JONES

to induce them to engage^ Jones himself had, in fact,
named one single officer, Captain Parke, of the marines*
Neither the first lieutenant, Simpson, nor the second,
Elijah Hall, had ever sailed before in a ship of war.
Before starting on his cruise against the British coasts,
Jones, having discovered the animosity of his crew to-
ward Captain Parke, for harmony's sake had sent him
back to America. Eight of the crew deserted in Qui-
beron when they discovered that Jones's intentions were
more extensive than a mere cruise after merchant-ships,
and Simpson and others of the officers and crew flatly
refused to obey orders. This spirit of insubordination
so increased that before they left Brest a conspirai^ had
already been formed to kill or confine their captain and
return to America under Lieutenant Simpson. This
mutinous disposition continued throughout the cruise,
was the reason of the failure to effect the total destruc-
tion of the shipping at Whitehaven, and caused the
unfortunate outcome of Jones's plan of descent upon
Lord Selkirk's castle on Saint Mary's Isle. This cele-
brated raid took place on the evening of the same day
of the attempt on Whitehaven and is briefly mentioned
in the next paragraph of Jones's report to the commis-
sioners. This part of his narrative, together with the
curious correspondence connected with the incident,
wiU be more fully considered later.

In regard to his capture of the Drake Jones's narra-
tive again becomes copious and detailed.

On the morning of the 24th, I was again off Carrick
Feigus and would have gone in had I not seen the

THE "RANGER'' C5RUISE 283

Drake preparing to come out — ^it was very moderate
and the Brokers boat was sent out to reconnoitre the
Ranger. As the boat advanced, I kept the ship's stem
directly towards her, and thou^ they had a spy glass
in the boat, they came on within hail and alongside.
When the officer came on the quarterdeck, he was
greatly surprised to find himself a prisoner, although
an express had arrived from Whitehaven the ni^t
before. I now imderstood what I had before imagined,
that the Drake came out in consequence of this infor-
mation, with volunteers against the /{an^er. The officer
told me also, that they had taken up the Ranger^s
anchor. The Drake was attended by five small vessels
full of people who were led by cxuiousity to see an
engagement, but when they saw the Drakes boat at
the Ranger^ s side, they wisely put back. Alarm smokes
now appeared in great abundance, extending along on
both sides of the channel. The tide was unfavorable,
so that the DroA^e worked out but slowly. This obliged
me to run down several times and to lay with courses
up, and main topsail to the mast. At length the Drake
weathered the point and having led her out to about
midchannd I suffered her to come within hail. The
Drake hoisted English colors, and at the same instant
the American stars were displayed on board the
Ranger. I expected that preface had now been at an
end, but the enemy soon alter hailed, demanding what
ship it was. I directed the master to answer "the Ameri-
can Continental ship Ranger; that we waited for them
and desired that they woidd come on; the sun was now
a Uttle more than an hour from setting, and it was
therefore time to b^in." The Drake being astern of
the Ranger J I ordered the helm up and gave her the
first broad^de. The action was warm, close and
obstinate. It lasted an hour and four minutes, when
the enemy called for quarters; her four and main top-

284 JOHN PAUL JONES

sail yards being both cut away and down on the ci^;
the top gaUant yard and mizzen gaff both hanging up
and down along the mast; the second ensign which they
had hoisted shot away and hanging in the water; the
sails and rigging entirely cut to pieces, her masts and
yards all wounded and her hull very much galled. I
lost only Lieutenant Wallingsford, and one seaman,
John DougaU, Idlled, and six woimded, among whom are
the gunner, Mr. FaUs and Mr. Powers, a midshipman,
who lost his arm. One of the wounded, Nathanial
Wills, is since dead, the rest will recover. The loss of
the enemies killed and wounded is much greater. All
the prisoners allow that they came out with a number
not less than 160 men and many of them affirm that
they amounted to one hundred and ninety. The me-
dium may perhaps be the most exact accoimt; and by
that it will appear that they lost, in killed and woimded,
forty-two men. The captain and lieutenant were
among the wounded, the former having received a
musket ball in the head the minute before they called
for quarter, lived and was sensible some time after my
people boarded the prize. The lieutenant survived two
d&ys. They were bxuied with the honors due to their
rank and the respect due their memory.

Here, then, was a victoiy won fairly in open fight
within sight of the enemy's coast and in the view of
hundreds of spectators, over a fully armed English
man-of-war. Victoiy was on the side of the Americans
from the firing of the first broadside. Although slightly
verbose and over-eloquent in his answer to the enemy^s
appeal, a method which one conmientator thinks was
adopted for the purpose of getting his ship in line for
the first manoeuvre, Jones was short and sharp enough

THE "RANGER'^ C5RUISE 285

in action. Before the enemy was aware of his intent,
he ran the Ranger across tiie bows of the Drake, raking
her decks with a destructive fire and thus gaining an
advantage which in the broadside to broadside contest
which followed was never recovered by the English.
The superior handling of the Ranger over that of the
Drake, which belonged to a r^ularly established and
wellnigh universally victorious navy, is all the more re-
markable in view of the fact that the equipment of the
Ranger was experimental and defective, and its officers,
with the exception of the captain, totally without ex-
perience in war.

In considering the relative merits of the victory, it
is seen by Jones's report that the English ship carried
twice as many men as the American. The Ranger^a
guns were eigihteen six-poimders, while according to
the principal witness in the English court-martial, held
over the survivors of the battle, the Drakes guns, al-
though twenty in mmiber, were four-poimders. This
advantage, however, may fairly be considered as di-
minished by the shortness of the Ranger^ s guns (a defect
of which Jones had complained) and more than bal-
anced by the nimierical superiority of the Drake^s crew,
all fully supplied with small arms, and by her greater
size and heavier construction. Professor Laughton,
an able although partisan English authority, states in
extenuation of the loss of the Drake, that ''her crew
was increased by a nimiber of newly raised men, and
that there was no gunner, no cartridges filled and no
preparation for handling powder.'' It is also stated
that the first lieutenant, who was killed in the battle,

286 JOHN PAUL JONES

had boarded the Drake as she was warping out of the
channel, to take the place of the officer who had died
two dajrs before the engagement. Captain Burden,
who was also mortally wounded a quarter of an hour
before his ship surrendered, was b^ond the reach of
the question of the court-martial as to why he delib-
erately took his vessel out in an unprepared condition
to meet and' capture the Ranger.^ A confession of un-
readiness for battle is hardly an apology for defeat, nor
does thc^admitted fact that the forts at Whitehaven
were guarded by sleeping sentinels excuse the weakness
of the English coast defences. Jones also had his diffi-
culties with his insubordinate and ahnost unmanageable
crew. A drunken quartermaster caused the failure of
his first bold attack upon the Drake, a disobedient
officer wellnigh rendered abortive the descent upon
Whitehaven, and, according to his accoimt drawn up for
King Louis XVI, his officers not only planned to leave
him on shore at Whitehaven, but refused to engage the
Drake in open day, aa he earnestly desired, and were
again in open mutiny and planning to throw him over-
board when the EngUsh ship, toward nightfall, fortu-
nately volimteered the battle and forced them to de-
fend their Uves.

In Jones's journal for Louis XVI he states, 'Hhat
plunder rather than honor was the object of the

* George Roberts, of Dover, New Hampshire, who was a seaman on
the Ranger, has left an account of a visit to the Drake immediately after
her capture. He found the dead body of an EInglish officer in the uni-
form of the land service, who had come to see the Yankees whipped.
The hogshead of rum ^diich had been B&nt on board to drink to
their victory had been demolished by a cannon-balL — (Boston Public
Library.)

THE "RANGER" CRUISE 287

Ranger^a officers and crew/' and that on his announcing
his intention of giving battle to the Drake the crew of
the Ranger revolted, "and I ran every chance of be-
ing killed or thrown over-board," The truth of this
statement is attested by the certificate of Lieutenant
Meyer, a Swedish officer who had entered the service
of the United States under the auspices of Silas Deane
and was on board the Ranger}

The personal element in Jones's conduct of this cele-
brated battle was therefore solely responsible for the
victory. His ship, according to Professor Laughton's
admission, was well handled and well fought, and this
result was accomplished by the extraordinary char-
acter of its commander who, at the moment of* action,
could inspire an inexperienced and rebellious crew with

^ "1, Jean M^er, lieutenant in the Infantry regiment of the Baron de
Fleming, in the service of his Majesty the King of Sweden, on leave with
permission of the court, do certify, to all it may concern that I on-
barked at Nantes in Brittanny, on the 12th February, 1778, in the
frigate Banger commanded by Captain Paul Jones, to whom I was
recommended by M. le Comie de Kraits, ambassador of his nugesty
at the court of France, in pursuance of my purpose of entering the ser-
vice of Congress under the auspices of M. ^las Deane, who told me to
report to the Honbl Robert Morris, an order which I was unable to obey.
The said Captain Jones deciding to cruise in St Georg^ channel,
broui^t me finally back to France. During the cruise I observed that
cabals and plots were being formed against tito said Captain Jones. To
assure myself of the truth or falsity of my suspicion I questioned a
Swedish sailor by the name of Shoondelin who spoke English perfectly
and who informed me that the crew supported by the majority of the
officers had dedded to siese the person of their captain whom tliey dis-
liked because he was a Scotchman with the intention of throwing him
overboard, or at least to put him in irons. They intended afterwards
to choose lieutenant Simjison for their captain, to take them back to
America their country, where all ardently desired to return. I imme-
diately informed Captain Jones of this plot, happily for him, for if he
had not been warned of the misfortune which threatened him, one day
when the master had the temerity to attack him, he would undoubtedly
have been over come (all the officers being hostile to him, and having

288 JOHN PAUL JONES

sometlung of his own skill and enthusiasm. Nothing
short of his unequalled pertinacity, his own inflexible
determination and superb self-confidencei could have
succeeded under such conditions. The practical re-
sults of this brilliant victoiy were great and immediate.
The contemporary English newspapers abound in ac-
coimts of the anning of defensive fleets and of their
ports and of the re-establishment of coast guards.
Householders prepared to remove their goods to places
of safety, and bankers packed up their gold in boxes
and retired to the coimtiy. In London stocks fell and
insurance rates on merchant-ships, which had already
greatly risen after Gonyngham^s cruises and captures,
were now trebled. The moral effect of this one man's
exploits was still more remarkable and far-reaching.

by prerioufl agreement soatted to different parts of the ship) if the brave
captain had not pointed his pistol at the bead of his assailant. I attest
also that on the day when we made the landing in two boats at the port
of Whitehaven, that the captain had hardly left the first boat in lAddi
I accompanied him, together with a few sailors, to take possessioii of
the forts when the othor men who remained in the boat tried to por-
euade me not to land, because if the ci4>tain did not return inmiedii^dy
they intended to leave him behind and to return to the diip. This plan
had undoubtedly been concerted with Captain Hill and lieutenant
Wallenson (WalDnggford) for th^ delayed a long time before landing
from the other boat to second Jones in his plan, according to his direc-
tions. Jones called to them several times. Finally, however, when
they saw their commander on the ramparts, and heard his summons
to come and share the glory with him, they decided to join him. I only
left my boat at the last moment, because I wanted to watch the sailors,
who remained with me, to see to it, in case Mr. Hill and Mr. Wallenson
went off with their boat that ours should be ready to receive the valiant
captain, renowned in both the old and new wwlds for actions which have
brought him inmiortal reputation — , and to take him back to the diip
to resume his ccnnmand. I affirm that no reason except a regard for
truth and justice which are alike the illuminating guides of my con- .
science has dictated this certificate, and that I sign it in the hope that
it may be of service and vahie to whomever it may oonoern. At Dim-
kirk, April, 1778."

THE "RANGER" C5RUISE 289

An immediate and veiy extraordinary result of the
terror which his successful attacks upon their coasts
produced upon the English people was the development
which actually occurred at this time of a permanent
volunteer service. In a book entitled "Thie Annals of a
Yorkshire House/' which relates the histoiy of Colonel
George Stanhope's connection with this service, is f oimd
the following description of the volunteer camps which
were organized in the year 1778:

In 1778 when the conclusion was announced of the
treaty of commerce between France and the States of
America, a war with France appeared imminent, and
excitement was universal at the prospect. Partly on
that accoimt, partly owing to the alann occasioned by
the depredations of Paul Jones, the celebrated Priva-
teer who greatly hampered British commerce, the
militia was called out, and the country b^an arming
itself. Stanhope, who had ardently wished for a regi-
ment was delighted on April 17th of that year to receive
a cordial letter from Lord Rockingham announcing
that ''I have been able to give you what you so desire,
a captain's commission, in the command of the com-
pany in the raiment of militia in the West Riding of
Yorkshire, whereof Sir George Savile is Colonel." If
anything had been required to whet Stanhope's ardoiu*,
the events of that April must have done so. On the
23rd of that month Jones, after a bold attack upon the
Drake Sloop of War, entered Whitehaven, and made an
attempt to set on fire the three hundred ships which
lay there. Forced to make his escape, without having
achieved his object, he landed on St. Maiy's Isle in-
tending to kidnap Lord Selkirk, and hold him hostage.
The E^l was absent from home, but Jones followers
infflsted upon plundering his silver plate, and crowned

290 JOHN PAUL JONES

their success the next day by a second attack upon the
Drake, which th^ captured after an hour's contest.
The alarm was universal, and the importance of the
episode was magnified by the friends and foes of Great
Britam. England was soon studded with militia camps,
and Stanhope threw himself with avidity into his occu-
pation. When Parliament rose early in June of that
year, members instead of retiring to the country seats
went with their raiments to join in mimic warfare.
There were camps at Salisbiuy, at Biuy St. Eklmimds,
at Cox Heath in Kent, at Warly Common, in Essex and
at Winchester. " Camps everywhere ' ' writes Walpole,
''and the ladies in the imiform of their husbands. —
All the world are poUtidans or soldiers or both, servants
are learning to fire, all day long." Yet these gatherings
were scenes of festivity and fim as well as of hs^ soldier-
ing, places not only for military maneuvres and manual
exercise, but for fashionable picnics and flirtations; the
most noted men of the day made a point of visiting
them, and becoming spectators of the new amusement,
which had for its basis a commendable object. Lord
Palmerston, Garrick, Dr Johnson and Sir Joshua Rey-
nolds, were among those who witnessed the operations
at Warly Common, and the Doctor, as he watched
the r^imental maneuvres or went visiting round
amongst the men in command, made it his aim to learn
all he could about Military duty and drill. ''The Cox
Heath men,'' he wrote, facetiously to the commander
of the Lincolnshire regiment, ''I think have reason to
complain, for Reynolds sajrs your camp is better than
theirs.'' Finally a Royal progress roimd the camps
took place, which b^an in Winchester, where the King
visited the troops on September 29th. The military
fervor of that age was not merely a pose, bom without
cause and fated to die without fruits. Its effect upon
the betterm^i of a permanent volunteer force has ex-

THE "RANGER" CRUISE 291

tended to our own times, whfle its necessity at the date
which witnessed its rise, may be inferred from the course
of events.

Jones was, in fact, the most formidable enemy which
England then possessed upon the sea, through his
knowledge of their coasts, his remarkable foresight, and
his unequalled fighting qualities. Secure in the quiet
of their country homes, with pride excited by the recent
and world-wide extension of their dominions, safe in the
consciousness of their imdisputed command upon the
sea, the revolt of the American colonies was a matter
which had very Uttle distiu*bed the people at large, and
was considered as a futile rebellion of a contemptible
and cowardly lot of yokels easily to be subdued by
Hessian mercenaries, or, if necessary, by the scalping-
knife of the Indian. The venial subserviency and in-
capacity of a ministiy controlled by the obstinacy of a
slow-witted king prevailed over the wiser counsellors of
the nation. The solemn laments of the dying Chatham
lamenting the dismemberment of the empire he had
helped to extend, the fieiy denimciations of Biuk:e and
Fox, were drowned in choruses of indecent raillery from
the benches of Westminster, and the sarcastic prophecies
of Walpole, crying out in warning from Strawberry HiU,
were unheeded by a people who, until the advent of
Paid Jones, had been slumbering in peace. With a
terror which cxuiously finds its counterpart in later
times, the very idea that the '^ Englishman's home"
could be invaded now cast the whole island into im-
reasoning and hjrsterical panic. It was all very well

292 JOHN PAUL JONES

that armies should be sent across the seas to fi^t the
rebellious colonies, but when the shipping in their un-
protected ports could be set on fire, their battle-ships
taken in home waters, and English peers be in danger
of capture in their sacred homes, it was a very different
matter. Chap-books depicted Paul Jones as a buccaneer,
armed to the teeth, in highly colored pictures, bloody
and terrifying. Mothers frightened their children with
the bare mention of his name. From this time on he
was celebrated in popular song, and took his place
with Captain Eidd in the histories of the pirate kings.
There is nothing surprising in the fact that Jones should
have been dubbed a rebel in the da}rs when the revolted
Americans were all considered felons, and traitors to
the mother country.*

The correctness of these titles was an issue which all
the colonists were discussing with the imcertain argu-
ments of war. Had the outcome been otherwise, Paul
Jones might have been hanged as a rebel and a like fate

1 An amiiHing incident oonoerning a gale of wind which drove him on
erne occasion away from the Scottish coasts, is quoted by Sherburne
from a contemporary book by a Mr. Henderson.

''About the time that Jones visited Whitehaven, he went round to the
Firth of Forth, and made his appearance off the harbor of Kirkaldy, a
noted small town on the borders of Fifeshire, (called by the Scotch
'Langtoun o' Kirkaldy,' owing to its length). No other enemy, how-
ever formidable, could have created in the minds of the inhabitants
such consternation and alarm as that which then approached. Paul
Jones was the dread of all, young and old, & (pamphlets of his depre-
dations were as common in every house as almanacs). He was looked
upon as a sea-monster, that swallowed up all that came in his power,
llie people all flocked to the shore to watch his movements, eiq>ecting
the worse consequences. There was an old Presbyterian Minister in
the place, a very pious and good old man, but of a most singiilar and
eccentric turn, especially in addressing the Deity, to whom he would
speak with as much familiarity as he would to an old farmer, and se^n-
ingly without respect, as will appear from the following. He was soon

THE "RANGER'' CRUISE 293

might have befallen those great leaders whose names
have been revered through more than a century of
glorious independence. He was, however, particularly
well qualified, in the ^es of the British, to bear the added
title of " pirate/' He conmianded a vessel disguised as a
merchantman; he made sudden and stealthy midnight
descents upon their vessels and their ports; his method
of warfare, brilliantly skilful as it was, had a coolness
and a daring unexpectedness which recalled the l^ends
of the early Vikings, a method which clothed his name
with the immortal halo of romance but brought upon
him the bitter hatred of his native land. It is, how-
ever, a matter surprising, in any nature but the English,
that a people forced in a few brief years to acknowledge
the independence of the United States should even now
ignore the commissioned authority of Jones, who was
at the very time that he made his first descent upon
the English coasts the very first accredited standard-
bearer of our flag in Europe, which, through him, re-
seen making his way through the people with an old black oak arm-
chair which he lugged down to the low-water marie (the tide flowing)
and sat down in it. Almost out of breath, and rather in a passion, he
then began to address the Deity in the following singiilar way: —

'''Now deed Lord, dinna ye think it's a shame for ye to smd this vile
jrireel to rub out fdk o' Kirkaldy; for ye ken they're a* puir enough
aheady, and hae naetking to epare. They are a* gaily gaid, and it wad
be a peety to serve them in ate in a loa. The wa the wun blaws, he'll
be here in a jiffie, and wha kens what he may do. He's nain too guid
for anjrthing. Meickle's the mischief he has dune afaready. Ony
packet gear they hae gathered thegither he will gang wi' the heal o't;
and bum their hooses, tak their vary claes and tirl them to the aaA;
and waes me! wha kens but the bluidy villain might tak their lives.
The puir weemen ere maist f reightened out o' their wuts, and the baima
skirling after them. I canna' tho'lt! I hae been lang a faithfu' ser-
vant to ye, LaLrd; but gin ye dinna turn the wun about, and blaw the
scoundrel out of the gate, I'll na stur a fit, but will just dt here, until
the tide comes and drowns me. Sae tak yen wull o't.'"

294 JOHN PAUL JONES

ceived its first salute from French admirals in the open
ports of France. The honors he subsequently received
from the courts of Russia, France, and Denmark have
likewise been persistently ignored in England, and in
these later days, in spite of the recent and much-her-
alded recovery of his honored remains by the grateful
coimtry he helped to free, the old obloquy still clouds
his name.

Paul Jones has not unnaturally been censured for
the choice of the familiar localities of his childhood for
his retaliatory attacks. In the excellent biography by
Captain A. S. McEenzie, of the United States navy,
published in 1848, the author gives expression to this
hostile opinion.

Few naval enterprises exhibit a character of greater
daring and originality than the descent upon White-
haven, the harlhood with which it was co^ived and
the imperturbable coolness with which it was executed.
As to the propriety of attempting to destroy such an
amount of private property, it was amply justified, as
it was provoked and occasioned by the burning and
devastations of the British on oiu* own coasts. Still
the author cannot coincide with such of his coimtry-
men as have commended Jones for volunteering to be
the agent of this retribution. The scheme was wholly
his own. He selected the scene, choosing for the pur-
pose the familiar haunts of his boyhood. Had he suc-
ceeded in his wish of destroying the whole shipping in
the port of Whitehaven, out of which he had so long
sailed, he must have involved shipmates, employers,
and benefactors in one common ruin. It has been
said that Paul Jones alone, on account of his familiarity
with the localities, could have attempted this project

THE "RANGER" CRUISE 295

with sucoeds— if so, it had better been omitted alto-
gether.

In answer to this critical comment it is interesting to
quote the very able defence of Paul Jones written by
his niece, Miss Taylor, during her visit to America, in
1848, which exists in her own handwriting in a collec-
tion of manuscripts in the Harvard library, prepared
by Jared Sparks, for a life of her celebrated imcle:

The connection of Paul Jones with America, com-
mences with his thirteenth year and from that period
until his descent upon Whitehaven, he had never resided
for five consecutive years, in any port of the world,
America excepted. He had at the time, no mother,
sister or relation of any denomination whatsoever in
either Whitehaven or its neighborhood; the hand of
death had placed beyond the reach of his wholesale
desolation both his employers and almost eveiy person
belonging to the place, witii whom he had ever had any
intercourse. If Paul Jones can be justified in taking
up arms in behalf of the revolted Colonies, he may also
be justified for his descent upon Whitehaven. If he
carmot be the former, what apology is to be offered for
the signers of the Declaration of Independence, who
were Englishmen, Scotchmen, Irishmen, and WeMunen
by birth?

There are many indications that Jones was mindful
of the peculiar position he occupied in commanding
and directing these cruises in his home seas. No
instance of brutality or vindictiveness in his conduct
is discernible; there were no wanton acts of destruction;
there was no unnecessary bloodshed, but a gallant

296 JOHN PAUL JONES

piinctilioiiSQess in the observation of all the rules and
ceremonies of honorable warfare, strangely in contrast
with the customs of the English and their hirelings in
America. He comments with the most evident satis-
faction upon the facts that the sentinels in the White-
haven ports were captured ''unharmed/' and that he
never killed or injured any single person dming the
attack.

If he realized, as he must have done, that his at-
tack upon the English coasts would bring upon him
a peculiar execration, and stain eternally the fame he
held so dear; if he believed that his peculiar familiarity
with these coasts pre-eminently fitted him, and him
alone, to conduct these attacks, the sacrifice of his
personal feelings must be considered an admirable act
of loyalty to the country which he served. The bitter
recollections of the injustice and jealous undervalua-
tions which had been his lot, in common with other
prophets, in his own country, may naturally have
tempered his reluctance to appear as the jtriumphant
avenger of its injustice, and he was also inspired by that
burning desire for fame which his most enthusiastic ad-
mirer cannot fail to recognize as the ruling motive of
his character. His conviction of the justice of the cause
he had embraced, the cause of liberty and of human
natine, which had been adopted by the new thought of
a changing world, was equally ardent and openly
avowed.

In this first of his two glorious cruises against the
British coast he succeeded, in spite of the reluctance of
his mutinous crew, in accomplishing the two principal

THE "RANGER'^ CRUISE 297

objects of his daring purpose: he terrified the too con-
fident enemy into a recognition that their own coasts
could be attacked and their invuhierable battle-ships
could be captured; and, above all, he brought about
the exchange of American captives, hitherto treated as
felons and rebete, on equal terms with En^ish seamen
as prisoners of war, and thus forced what was in fact
England's first recognition of the existence of America
as an independent power.

The capture of the Drake was unprecedented, almost
incredible, at that time of England's imquestioned mar-
itime supremacy, and added the crowning gloiy to a
cruise which for cool audacity and brilliant initiative
has never been surpassed in naval history.

CHAPTER XI

THE SELEHtK RAID

SiNGULAB as the celebrated descent upon Lord Sd-
kirk's estate at Saint Mary's Isle has always been con-
sidered by the biographers of Paul Jones, its actual
significance has never been fully appreciated.

When, after a careful examination of the evidence
which has been preserved in his own writings and
in other contemporary documents, the condufflon be-
comes inevitable that Paul Jones believed up to the
time of his attack upon Saint Mary's Isle that he was
the unacknowledged son of Lord Selkirk, his deter^
mination to carry him off as a hostage assumes the
character of a conception which might easily find its
place in melodrama. The earliest testimony which
bears upon this, the most questionable of all Jones's
actions, is found in the narrative of Thomas Chase,
wherein it is stated with categorical emphasis that Paul
Jones, dmJng his conversations with Chase, had ex-
pressed his belief that he was the son of Lord Selkirk
and stated that his earliest recollections were of Saint
Mary's Isle. He admitted also, according to the Chase
narrative, that he was continually taunted with his
ill^timate birth, and asserted this to have been the
principal cause of his early departure from Scotland.^

^ Colonel Wharton Green repeats these facts as r^Mirted by Major
KnoXy who was a guest at ''llie Grove." Major ^loz was also au-
thority for Jones's statement that he had assumed the name of Jones
because he had none of his own.

298

THE SELKIRK RAID 299

Rumors orally transmitted by those in intimate
association with Jones during his sojourn at ''The
Grove," in North Carolina, in the year 1774, repeat
these statements, and, as far as such traditions can be
accepted as historical evidence, tend to confirm the
truth of Thomas Chase's narrative.

The most significant testimony, however, exists in
the remarkable letter to Benjamin Franklin of March
6, 1779, wherein Jones used the following extraordinary
phrases in reference to Lord Selkirk and his refusal to
accept the retum of the plate which was taken by
Jones's men from his house. ''It has not been my in-
tention to attract his notice either by my history or
otherwise, — ^if however, his delicacy will not suffer
him, to receive what he thinks an obligation from me
it will be no difficult matter to point out to him, if
he should be at a loss, how to discharge that obliga-
tion."

Taken in conjunction with the fact that these phrases
are found in a letter of the most private and confidential
character, wherein Jones not only makes his full state-
ment of the killing of the mutineer, but refers to other
obscure incidents in his career — as if to his father con-
fessor— ^the curious remark that it had not been his
intention to attract Lord Sdkirk^s notice by his history or
otherwise cannot be overlooked.

In the total absence of any other circumstances
which might assign another significance to these pecul-
iar expressions, the statements in Chase's narrative
supply the only available and highly probable reasons
which prompted Jones to use them.

300 JOHN PAUL JONES

In connection with the above mutually confirmatoiy
evidence, a letter from William Bimie, a Scotchman
now resident in New York Gty, demands considera-
tion.^ William Bimie is the great-grandson of Geoige
Paul, the gardener at Saint Mary's Icde and brother of
Paul Jones's reputed father, John Paul, of Arbigland.
Bimie's reference to the latter indicates a 8uq>icion
that the latter was not Jones's father, and he also ad-
mits his knowledge of a well-defined rumor of Jones's
connection with the Selkirk family. When questioned
on the subject his mother admitted that she knew some-
thing in r^ard to the birth of John Paul Jones which
she might some time reveal. Mrs. Bimie was a grand-
daughter of Geoige Paul and spent her early life in

1 Nbw Tobx, Mar. 8» 1908.

8n:

The other day when I told you that on my mother's mde, I was de-
scolded from George Paul, the £2arl of Selkirk's gardener, who accord-
ing to the school histories when I went to school, was the father of John
PMil Jones, you told me to write an account of what I knew or had
haetfd about the oonnection. Which request is the excuse for the fol-
k>wing.

My mother was a daughter of John Paul of Kircudbright, Scotland.
What the exact year of his birth was I do not know, but think from what
my uncle writes it was 1785. He came to this country and settled in
Charleston S. C. in the very beginning of the last coitury, going into
business, as a wholesale and retail grocer. When the war of 1812 broke
out, he organised a company of Scotchmen for the defence of Charleston,
and was their captain until the close of the war. In 1828 he retired
from business and returned to Kircudbright where in 1829 he married
Isabella Mc'Whinnie of the same place. He died June 2, 1846 kftving
d^t children, four sons and four daughters. His father was John Paul
a carpenter and builder of Kiroudbri^t, whose wife was Mary Kerr of
the same plaoe. Th^ were the parents of twdve children. He died
at the age of 72, 1 dont know the year, but his wife who survived him
died in 1828.

The father of the last mentioned John Paul, was Qeorgfi Paul, the
Earl of SaUdrk's gardoier. I do not know the year of his birth or death

THE SELKIRK RAID 301

Scotland with her leiatiyes. She never revealed this
mysteiy, but her evidence tends to confirm Chase's
statement that the stigma of ill^timacy had been cast
upon Paul Jones. Further confirmatory evidence in
r^ard to the obscurity surroimding his birth is found
in the fact that his name is not recorded with those of
his sisters in the Parish register at Kirkbean. This
obscurity is also augmented by the written statement
of the clergyman of Kirkbean, Doctor Grierson, re-
porting that Mr. Dunbar Hamilton Craik, the grand-
son of Jones's patron, Robert Craik, had informed him
personally that the date of Jones's birth as given in the
so-called Edinburgh biography was incorrect. Mr.

nor his father's first name. His brother John, abo a gardener, is the
generally accepted father of Paul Jones to-day.

I cannot recmU any family tradition about Paul Jones, except that my
great grandfather on one occasion ordered him out of his house for bong
impolite to the ladies. The Kircudbright people considered him a Buc-
caneer, and never mentioned his name if they could help it.

One day in a talk with Mother, I suggested that Paul Jones was not
a Paul, but a Douglass (The earl of Selkirk's family name.) She said
that he was not a Douglass but a Pftul, and that at some time shs would
tell me all that she had heard about him. I have at di£Ferent times
asked my Uncle if they had any information that they could give me,
but they said that they knew nothing about him.

When I was a boy of nine we spent the summer of 1870 in Kircud-
bright with an aunt of Mother's, Miss Agnes PauL Her house was on
ground that George Paul owned and used as a nursery after he left the
ESarl's employ. Thb house, or rather the back of it, was built by his
son, the carpenter, the front being added by my grandfather. Two of
my aunts live there to-day.

During my stay in Kircudbright my uncle took me to St. Mar3r's
Isle (The Earl's residence) to see Uie silver that Paul Jones had "stolen "
from the £2arl of Selkirk when he made his raid on the Scotch coast.
This silver was afterward returned to Lady Selkirk with the compli-
ments of John Paul Jones. Although the Kircudbright people pretend
to defuse Paul Jones, th^ are mighty proud of the silver.

Youri reqMctf ully,

(Signed) Wm. Bibnib.
To Capt. John H. Barnes.

302 JOHN PAUL JONES

Craik affinned that he was not bom on July 6, 1747,
but several yeais earlier.^

Returning to tiie letter of William Bimie, we find the
categorical statement of his mother that he was not a
Douglass, but was in reality a Paul. An examination
of the recorded data in r^ml to the whereabouts and
history of both the third and the fourth Earis of
Selkirk^ confirms Mis. Bimie's n^ation, and proves
without question that Paul Jones was not related by
blood to either of them. The third Lord Selkirk died
in the year 1744 at Edinbiugh at the advanced age of
eighty-two, having been resident in that city for several
years prior to his death. The fourth Lord Selkirk,
whose son Jones apparently believed himself to be, was
the fourth cousin of the third earl, living at a distance
from Saint Mary's Icde, at Baldoon, in another part of
Scotland. At the time he inherited the property he
was actively engaged in recruiting royalist soldiers in
the Jacobite Bebellion of 1745, and exerted himself
with the greatest zeal in animating tiie inhabitants of

^ Eztraeto from Dr. Fflkms'B note4)ook:

'' The foUowing extract from a letter horn Revorend TliomaB Griemm
A. M. dated Kirkbean Mansei Oct. 17th, 1842. —

** 'John Paul, alias F^ Jones was Ixm in this Panriah at Arbigland.
His father was gardener to Mr. Craik, grandfaUier of the present ex-
cellent proprietor, Douglas Hamilton Cniik. ... He was born, aoorad-
ing to a printed life of him in Mr. Craik's possession, the 6th of July, 1747.
Mr. Cft^ (oU me ((>-(2(iy that he beUeved he was born several years earlier.
He used to carry about the present Laird upon his back idien he was a
chiki.» "

Another statement from the-^oooZ and MttUary OoMeUe of January 14,
1843, also found in Doctor FUkins's note-books, affirms that Jones was
bom in the year 1742. Jones's last secretary, Andr6, who jmblished
his journal of the American war in 1798, gives it as his belief that Jones
was older than the age ordinarily assigned to him.

k

THE SELKIRK RAID 303

Lanarkshire and the western counties to support the
government.

After the end of the rebellion Lord Selkirk went
abroad, where he remained, principally in France, for a
nmnber of years. It was not imtil his marriage, which
occurred in the year 1758, that he took up his resi-
dence on the estate of Saint Mary's Isle, which he had
inherited fourteen years before.

The only point contained in the historical records of
the lives of Hie third and fourth Earls of Selkirk, which
bears upon the presence of Paul Jones at Saint Mary's
Isle, is found in the fact that the Duke of Queensbuiy
was a brother-in-law of the third earl. This fact is of
great importance when taken in connection with the
sentence in Jones's letter to Robert Morris in which he
refera to ''his former intimacy with British Naval
Officers of note." This sentence points unquestion-
ably to his service in the royal navy, and furnishes in-
controvertible confirmatory evidence of his own later
statements as reported in the letter of his fellow-lodger,
quoted in Chapter I, that he received his appointment
at the hands of Lord Selkirk's brother-in-law, the Duke
of Queensbury, and that he was seen by the duke at
Saint Mary's Isle.

The fact being established that he was not the
son of either the third or the fourth Earl of Selkirk,
and as it is also certain that he was actually pres-
ent at Saint Mary's Isle, it is necessary to come to
some conclusion as to the reasons which caused Paul
Jones's belief in a relation3hip with the Selkirk family,
and the facts which gave color to such an assump-

304 JOHN PAUL JONES

tion. The statement of Jones's fellow-lodger, printed
by the reviewer of Sherburne's biography, that Jones
had told him that he was the son of Lord SeUdi&^s
gardener, coupled with the knowledge of Geoige
Paul's descendants that although of doubtful pater-
nity Jones was a Paul, would point to the identifica-
tion of Geoige Paul, gardener of Lord Selkirk, as the
actual father of Paul Jones. This hypothesis, althou^
impossible of confirmation, furnishes a reasonable ex-
planation of Jones's presence during his early child-
hood at Saint Mary's Isle, particularly in view of the
emphatic statement of the reviewer of Sherburne's
biogn^hy, that the testimony of Jones's f ellow-lodg^
was to be relied upon. Assuming that the testimony
of Mr. Craik is correct, and that Jones was bom
several years earlier than the generally accepted date,
he was probably at Saint Mary's Isle as early as 1744
or 1745. There he was brought up in ignorance of
his real paternity, although constantly taunted by his
supposed m^timacy, and there he was seen and
favorably noticed by the Duke of Queensbuiy.

According to the accounts contained in both the
biographies written in association with Jones's reli^
tives, he was apprenticed at the early age of twelve to
Mr. Younger and sent off to America in the year 1759.
If, however, he was bom several years before 1747, he
would have been foturteen or a little older at the time
of his first sea service.

After the f ailiure of Mr. Younger, Paul Jones was
thrown out of employment and, as related in Chap-
ter I, applied to the Duke of Queensbury for assist-

THE SELKIRK RAID 306

ance, relying upon his early acquaintance with him
and the marked interest which the duke had mani-
fested. He was not disappointed in this hope of
assistance, and, having been recommended to a com-
mander in the navy, received his appointment and
entered the service. Deciding to abandon it on ac-
count of lack of opportunity for quick advancement, he
immediately procured his first independent place on
board the slaver King George, in the year 1766. It is
evident from these facts that the young John Paul was
rarely in Scotland from the date of his first departiure
with Mr, Yoimger for America.
^ Whatever his feeling might have been toward his
putative father, it is remarkable that no reference
whatever exists in any of his letters in r^ard to the
elder John Paul, while his letters and references to his
mother and sisters are many and affectionate.

The honored and xmiversally respected gardener,
while loyal to his wife, who was apparently beloved by
all her family, was evidently unwilling to countenance
the presence of the boy, who at the earliest possible age
was apprenticed to the captain of a trading-vessel and
sent off for long voyages and sojourns across the sea.

Bitterly conscious of his supposed ill^timacy , the boy
must have brooded during the long hoius of his exile
over the mystery, attempting to solve it in the light of
the only facts of which he was possessed, his early pres-
ence at Saint Mary's Icde and the protection of the Duke
of Queensbuiy. He knew that he could not refer his
paternity to the octogenarian, the third Earl of Sel-
kirk, but his infant recollections were wholly devoid of

306 JOHN PAUL JONES

any facts which would disprove a relationship with the
fourth earl, the young Dunbar Hamilton, who in-
herited the estate in 1744. The fact that he was not
permitted to return to Saint Mary^s Isle after the Lord
Selkirk of his day had come with his young wife to live
on the estate, might easily have added substance to
Jones's fancy, and have confirmed his belief that he
was the earl's child, originally harbored at his home,
provided with the advantageous position in the navy,
and subsequently sent back, in fear of discovery of his
birth, to the humble cottage at Arbigland. These wero
the facts on which John Paul dwelt with bitterness
during the years of his service in the navy, when his
obscuro birth seemed the sole cause of his f aQuro to
advance with the rapidity demanded by his impatient
and ardent naturo. Ab he grew older and became con-
scious of his extraordinaiy mental powers, the ambitious
lad tenaciously clung to the supposition that the pro-
tection of the Duke of Queensbuiy, accorded to him in
so unusual a maimer, must argue an obligaticm on the
part of the family with which the duke was connected.
An illegitimate son of his mother's patron, Mr.
Graik had been acknowledged and protected by his
father, and the yoimg John Paul bitterly resented that
the protection which he had received at the hands of the
Selkirk family should not be accompanied by an open
acknowledgment of the supposed relationship. This
suspicion, fostered by imagination and imcorrected by
any facts at his command, during the long years of his
absence from Scotland grew into a belief. This belief
finally became so strong that he spoke freely of it to

THE SELKIRK RAID 307

Thomas Chase and to his friends in Norili Carolina,
and at last hinted it in words of unmistakable signifi-
cance in his letter to Benjamin Franklin.^

Having now recapitulated the facts which pertained
to Jones's belief in his relationship to the Selkirk family,
the thoughts which animated him on the morning of his
descent upon Saint Mary's Isle may be clearly imagined.
The same spirit of bravado and the burning determi-
nation to announce his new position and importance,
which had filled his mind as he stood with his pointed
pistol on the pier defying the wonder-stricken inhabi-
tants of Whitehaven, now drove him, beyond his better
judgment, to enter the very gates of his one-time abode,
and to show his power to the man whom he believed
to be his father.

The reasons which he consistently maintained had
actuated him in his piupose to carry off Lord Selkirk
as a hostage and thus effect the deliverance of the
American prisoners, although undoubtedly a part of
his plan, thus assume a minor importance. Lord Sel-
kirk, as he afterward averred in a letter to Jones, was
in no way connected with the government of England,
and could at no time or for any reason have been so
important to the King or his ministers as to have
effected an exchange of the many himdreds of Ameri-
can prisoners still in captivity in England.

^ An example of the ezoeedingly wide-spread report that Paul Jones
was actually the son of Lord Sdldrk's ^^uxiener, George Paul, which
appeared in numberless contemporary journals, is found in a number
of a magasine entitled Weddy Entertainer and West cf England Mia^
ceUany: "Paul Jones, IxHn and bred on the estate of Lord SeDdrk near
Kircudbright, his father by name Paul, a steady methodist Scotch-
man, being head gardener to the Earl."

308 JOHN PAUL JONES

In a high mood of exultation over his surprise of the
port of WhitehaveUi which had been accomplished with
impimity a few hours before, Paul Jones sailed up to
the entrance of Kirkcudbright Bay and, marking the
hour of full tide, to enable him to withdraw in safety,
went o£F in a boat at the head of a party of his men
and landed at the foot of the gard^is of Saint Mary's
Isle. There he himself waited, walking back and forth
under the familiar trees. He was at once informed of
Lord Selkirk's absence and would immediately have
retired, but his men, wholly ignorant as they were of
the real purpose and significance of his intentions, in-
sisted on raiding the house and demanding the plate,
according to the practice followed by English soldiers
in America. They were led by Lieutenant Simpson and
second Lieutenant Wallingsf ord, and, according to Lady
Selkirk's account, behaved with perfect civility. It
was ten o'clock in the morning, and the family had just
finished breakfast. Descending to the parlor. Lady
Selkirk addressed Lieutenant Simpson in the character
of the leader of a press gang, which she had been in-
formed had invaded her property. Simpson immedi-
ately undeceived her, and on his assertion that he was
an officer of an American ship of war, and that it was
his purpose to take possession of the plate, she veiy
scrupulously collected all that the house contained and
delivered it to the officer. The accompanying letter of
the countess to her husband, one of several of which
she wrote to Lord Selkirk and her sister, gives a naive
picture of the scene and a sympathetic impression of
her character:

THE SELKIRK RAID 309

St. Maet's Isle, April 24<fc, 1778.
The history of the invasion of the Americans not
being very cleverly specified perhaps in yesterday^s
letters, I propose to give you a better account to-day,
and by a letter I expect to-night shall judge where to
send it. My dear Love, I cannot tell if you have heard
of this matter or not, but you may read on without
alarm, a« you must judge by the bimung we are all
well and at ease. On Wednesday morning Mrs. Wood
and her dau^ters came here. On Thursday just after
breakfast Daniel told me a press gang was in the Isle,
and several of the gardeners had run from their work,
I could not help it, a few minutes after they surrounded
the house, the Commanding Officer desired to speak to
me. I went down to the Parlor, Miss Elliott aisked to
go with me. I b^an to say something to him in the
light I looked upon him. ''Madam,'' said he, ''we
meant so to deceive you, but it is needless any longer,
we belong to a frigate belongmg to the States of Amer-
ica, our business was with the Lord of the House, to
take him on board our prisoner, as he is absent our next
orders are to demand all your plate, produce it directly,
we are masters of this house and eveiything in it, it is
needless to resist.'' "I am very sensible of that" said
I, — called Daniel, told him what was wanted, ordered
him to get it, and followed him to the pantry. Whether
what I did after was right or wrong you must deter-
mine, I found Daniel filling one of the maid's aprons
with whatever he could lift first to hide it, I made him
lay it down again, resolving not to dispute or deny it
to them, by which means they very deliberately called
for sacks, put eveiything up, they now called, "Then
where is the teapot and coffee pot?" I made them
also be produced, they still insisted there was more. I
assured them there was no more to the best of my
knowledge, so they took up their booty, he next said

310 JOHN PAUL JONES

he had orders to walk through the house, he did so,
but took nothmg. Upon the whole, I miist say they
behaved civilly, the men on the outside of the house
were each armed with a musket, and bayonet, two
large pistols and a hanger, the doors were open, none
of them offered to come in, nor aaked for anything,
everybody was out and asking questions, they said
the orders given were to behave civilly and take noth-
ing but plate. Of the two officers one was a dvil
young man in a green uniform, an anchor on his buttons,
which were white, he came to the house in a blue great-
coat, he was but second, the principal one was in blue,
no uniform, and seemed by nature a very disagreeable,
and one may say a bad man, had a \ile blackguard
look, still kept civil as well he might, but I should sus-
pect might have been rough enough had he met with
provocation, and that was one reason why I never left
him, for the anger every one was in might have led
them to say what was at all their tongue's ends. But
if no accident had ensued, I now see some plate might
have been saved, by leaving them to the servants, for
they went nowhere below but the pantry, did not look
sharp about there, and looked alarmed when they saw
the bewildered crowd at the door of it. At going off
they said they belonged to the Ranger frigate, Captain
Paul Jones, Esquire, commander. While they were
about the house John Archer made his escape, unde-
ceived those met concerning their being a press gang,
alarmed the town, too much indeed as they thought
they had fired the house. Veiy soon a great multitude
were in the Isle, and some few arms, but of no use to
prevent their getting off, which I couldn't regret as
bloodshed might have followed, and probably no good
could have been done. We have seen no more of
them. It was immediately known that this Paul Jones
is one John Paul, bom at Arbigland, who once com-

THE SELKIEK RAID 311

manded a Kirkcudbright vessel belonging to Mr. Muir
and others, a great vBlain as ever was bom, guilty of
many crimes and several mtmlers by ill usage, was
tried and condemned for one, escaped, and followed a
piratical life, till he engaged with the Americans. He
seems to delight in that still, as robbing a house was
below the dignity of the States of America. The
sailors at the door told, their Captain was bom at
Berrick, knew my Lord, (whose name and the name of
the place those in the house pretended ignorance of)
had a great opinion of him. and for that reason had
given orders that no more should be done.

Having refreshed themselves with a drink of Scotch
whiskey, served by the reluctant Daniel, the major-
domo of the castle, the party of raiders made a quiet
retreat, and joining the captain, who was waiting for
them on the shore, returned to the Ranger, which imme-
diately sailed out of sight.

The alarm of this suiprising occurrence spread in-
stantly to the adjoining village of Kirkcudbright.
Arms were distributed and an old gun levelled at a dis-
tant object, which in their terror the villagers took for a
ship; it was discovered later to be a rock emerging
from the water, and the discomfited defenders of their
patron's home and property could only lament the
waste of their amnliC^and content themselves
with expressions of horror and indignation at the deeds
of the "rebel" and "marauder" whom they had known
in his boyhood and alienated by unmerited obloquy
and suspicion.

The letters of Lady Selkirk abound in the hostile and
hearsay rumors in regard to Jones's early and unf ort-

312 JOHN PAUL JONES

unate experiences with Mungo Maxwell and the mu-
tineer, and reflect the generally accepted belief that the
one-time John Paul was a very bad and dangerous
character. The fact that Jones informed his men of
his '' acquaintance" with and high opinion of Lord
Selkirk indicates that his delusion of a relationship
with his Lordship was strongly in his mind at the time
he made his descent upon the estate. Lady Selkirk
was naturally ignorant either of any '^ acquaintance"
or of any of the motives which ingpired Jones's asser-
tion.

No sooner departed on the Ranger, which was on the
next day destined to win its victory over the Drake,
Paul Jones bitterly regretted his action in permitting
his men to carry o£F the plate, and immediately decided
to return it. In many hours of careful composition he
penned the following elaborate letter to the countess,
in which he made his o£Fer to return her property, and
attempted in strange and affected phrases to explain
himself and the motives of his action:

Ranger, Brest, Sth May, 1778.
Madam: —

It cannot be too much lamented that in the profes-
sion of arms, the Officer of fine feelings, and of reisd sen-
sibility, should be under the necessity of winking at any
action of persons under his conmiand, which Ins heart
cannot approve. But the reflection is doubly severe
when he finds himself obliged in appearance to coun-
tenance such Action by his authority. This hard case
was mine when on the 23rd. of Apnl last I landed on
St. Marjr's Isle. Knowing Lord Selkirk's interest with
his King, and esteeming as I do his private Character,

J

THE SELKIBK RAID 313

I wished to make him the happy instrument of allevi-
ating the horrors of hopeless captivity, when the brave
are overpowered and made Prisoners of War. It was
perhaps fortunate for you, Madam, that he was from
home, for it was my intention to have taken him on
board the Ranger ^ and to have detained him till thro'
his means, a general and fair exchange of Prisoners as
well in Europe as in America had been e£Fected. When
I was informed by some men whom I met at landing,
that his Lordship was absent, I walked back to my
boat determining to leave the Island; by the way,
however, some officers who were with me could not
forbear expressing their discontent, observing that in
America no delicacy was shown by the En^^, who
took away all sorts of movable property — setting fire
not only to towns and to the Houses of the Rich, with-
out distmction, but not even sparing the wi^tched
hamlets and Milch cows of the poor and helpless at the
approach of an inclement winter. That party had
been with me as volunteers the same morning at
Whitehaven, some complaisance therefore was their
due. I had but a moment to think how I might
gratify them, and at the same time do your LadyeMp
^e least injury. I chaiged the two officers to permit
none of the seamen to enter the house, or to hurt any-
thing about it — ^to treat you. Madam, with the utmost
Respect — ^to accept of the plate which was offered — and
to come away without making a search or demanding
anything else. I am induced to believe that I was
punctuidUy obqred, since I am informed that the
plate which they brou^t away is far short of the
inventory which accompanied it. I have gratified my
men, and when the plate is sold, I shall become the
purchaser, and I will gratify my own feelings by restor-
ing it to you, by such conveyance as you shall be
pleased to dinsct. Had the Earl been on board the

314 JOHN PAUL JONES

Ranger the following Evening, he would have seen the
awful Pomp and dreadful Carnage of a Sea Elngage-
ment, both affording ample subject for the P^i<^; as
well as melancholy reflection for the contemplative
mind. Humanity starts back from such scenes of
horror, and cannot but execrate the vile Promoters of
this detested War.

For they t'was they unsheathed the ruthless blade,
And Heaven shall ask the Havock it has made.

The British Ship of War, Drake, mounting 20 guns,
with more than her full complement of Officers and
Men, besides a nvunber of Volunteers, came out from
Carrickfergus, in order to attack and take the Ameri-
can Continental Ship of War, Ranger, of 18 guns, and
short of her complement of Officers and Men. The
Ships met, and the advantage was disputed with great
fortitude on each side for an Hour and Five minutes,
when the gallant Commander of the Drake fell, and
Victory declared in favor of the Ranger. The amiable
Lieutenant lay mortally wounded, besides near forty
of the inferior officers and crew killed and wounded.
A melancholy demonstration of the uncertainty of
hmnan prospects, and of the sad reverse of fortune
I which an hour can produce. I biuied them in a spa-
\ cious grave, with the Honours due to the memory of
the Brave. Tho' I have drawn my sword in the pres-
^^ent generous struggle for the Right of Men, yet I am
not in Arms as an American, nor am I in pursuit of
Riches. My fortime is liberal enough, having no wife
nor family, and having lived long anough to know that
Riches cannot ensure Happiness. I profess myself a
, citizen of the world, totally unfettered by the little
mean distinctions of Climate or of Country, which
diTninifth the benevolence of the Heart and set bounds

THE SELKIRK RAID 316

to Philanthropy. Before this War began I had at an
early time of Life, withdrawn from the sea service; in
favour of "calm contemplation and poetic ease," I
have sacrificed not only my favorite scheme of life,
but the softer affections of the Heart, and my prospects
of Domestic ^ppiness, and I am ready to sacrifice
life also with cheerfulness, if that forfeiture could
restore peace and goodwill among mankind* As the
feelings of your gentle bosom cannot but be congenial
with mine, let me entreat you, Madam, to use your
soft persuasive Arts with your Husband, to endeavor
to stop this cruel and destructive War, in which
Britain can never succeed. Heaven can never coun-
tenance the barbarous and unmanly Practices of the
Britons in America, which Savages would blush at, and
which if not discontinued will soon be retaliated in
Britain by a justly enraged people. Should you fail
in this, (and I am persuaded you will attempt it, and
who can resist the power of such an Advocate?) your
endeavors to e£Fect a general Exchange of Prisoners,
will be an Act of Hmnanity, which will afford you
Golden Feeling on a Death bed. I hope this cruel
contest will soon be closed, but should it continue, I
wage no War with the Fab, I acknowledge their Power,
and bend before it with profound Submission, let not
therefore the amiable Countess of Selkirk regard me
as an Enemy, I am ambitious of her esteem and Friend-
ship, and would do anything consistent with my duty
to merit it. The honor of a line from your band in
answer to this will lay me under a very singular obK-
gation, and if I can render you any acceptable service
in France, or elsewhere, I hope you see into my char-
acter so far as to command me without the least grain
of reserve. I wish to know exactly the behavior of my
people, as I determine to punish them if they have
exceeded their liberty.

316 JOHN PAUL JONES

I have the Honour to be with much Esteem and
with prof oimd Respect,
Madam,
Your most obedient and most himible servant,

Paul Jones.

This letter he posted on his return to Brest, and sent
open for perusal to the Postmaster-General, Lord De-
spencer, with the request that it should be forwarded
at once. The accompanying correspondence, includ-
ing Lord Selkirk's letter to Paul Jones and to the Post-
master-General, with the latter's reply to Selkirk, give
a very dear impresdon of the earl's character and of
his opinion of the strange commimication of Paul
Jones's. Lord Despencer's letter expresses the gen-
eral contemptuous opinion which was entertained of
Paul Jones:

Lord Selkirk to Paul Jones (enclosed to Lord De-
spencer and returned by him) :

A MONSIEUB,

Monsieur J. P. Jones,

Capitaine du Vaisseau Americain, La Ranger,
d Brest,

Dumfries, June 9th, 1778.
Sra:—

The letter you wrote to Lady Selkirk of the 8th of
May from Brest and enclosed to Lord Despencer, he
was so good as to forward, and it came to hand t'other
day, as also its dupUcate by common post. It was
matter of surprise both to my Wife and me, as no
apology was expected for your landing from your
Rivateer at St. Mary's Isle on the 23rd. of April, but

THE SELKIRK RAID 317

as the letter is polite, and you seem very anxious for
an answer, I shall therefore transmit this unsealed to
Lord Despencer, who, as I have the honour to be
well acquainted with him, will I hope excuse my giving
him this trouble, and his Lordship, as Post Master
General will judge whether or not it is proper to be
forwarded to you, as a letter by common post would
certainly be stopped at the London Office. Your la-
menting the necessity of these things in the Profession
of Arms, and of being obliged to gratify your Officers
by permitting them to go to my house, and carry o£F
some plate, and your expressing the great sensibiUty of
your feelings at what your heart cannot approve, are
things which we, who have no knowledge of you, nor of
your character, but by report, can form no proper judg-
ment of, but must leave to your own C!onscience, and
to the Almighty Judge of the real motives of all actions.
You certainly are in the right, Sir, in saying that it was
fortunate for Lady Selkirk that I was from home, as
you intended to carry me o£F and detain me prisoner,
for had that happened, I dread what might have been
its effect upon my Wife, then well advanced in her
pregnancy. I own I do not understand how a man of
Semibility to fine feelings could reconcile this to what his
heart approved, especially as the carrying me off could
have no possible effect for the purpose you mention
which you say was, "knowing my interest with the
King, your intention was to detain me, until through
my means, a general and fair exchange of prisoners, as
well in Europe as in America had been effected/'
Now, Sir, nothing can be more erroneous than these
Ideas, for I have no interest whatever with the King,
and am scarce known to him, being very seldom in
London, scarce six monibs in koleTduri^ .these last
one and twenty years. With regard to the King's Min-
isters, I neither have nor can have any interest with

318 JOHN PAUL JONES

them, as I have generally disapproved of most of their
measures, and in particular of almost their whole con-
duct in the unhappy and illjudged American War.
And as to a general exchange of Prisoners being ^ected
through my means, I am altogether at a loss how any
man of sense could entertain such an Idea. I am
neither a Military nor a Ministerial Man. I neither
have nor ever had a Ministerial office. Employment or
Pension, nor any connection with Administration, nor
am I in Parliament, and except having the disadvantage
of a useless Scotch title, I am in all respects as much a
Private Coimtry Gentleman, as any one can be, living
a retired life inThe country, ^d er^g in no fLctS
whatever. How then would it have been possible for
such a man to effect a general exchange of Prisoners?
When so many men of great power and influence in
both houses of Parliament have not been able to bring
it about. You must, therefore, be sensible on reflec-
tion. Sir, that you have proceeded on a very improper
and mistaken notion, and that had your attempt suc-
ceeded, its only effect would have been to distress a
family that never injured any person, and whose wishes
have certainly been veiy friendly to the Constitutions
and Just Liberties of America. You exclaim on the
barbarities committed in America, and say they will be
retalliated in Britain if not discontinued. I have
always been extremely sorry at the accoimts of these
things, no man can be a greater enemy to all ungenerous
inhumanities in war than I am. God knows b^ which
side he began those things, and which has most to ac-
coimt for, but it is certainly the general opinion in
Britain, that the American began the unusual and
cruel practices complained of, and first against their
own countrymen who adhered to the British Govern-
ment. In your letter you profess yourself a Citizen of
the World, and that you have drawn your sword in

THE SELKIRK RAID 319

support of the Rights of Man, yet you say you are not
in arms as an American, nor in pursuit of Riches. If
you are not in arms as an American, I do not under-
stand in what character you act, and unless you have
an American Commission, I doubt the laws of war and
of nations would not be very favorable to you as a citi-
zen of the World, which, however, ou^t to be a veiy
honorable character, and you will do well to endeavor
to act up to the humanity and honour of it. Consider
then. Sir, the impropriety and danger to the Common
Interests, and happiness of Society, in your departing
from the established and usual practice of Modem War.
Nothing does more honour to Mankind, than the gen^
erous hiunanity and mildness introduced in War of late
ages, through all the best civilized parts of Europe, and
its violation is always disapproved of and generally re-
sented by the Ministers of every State. I am there-
fore persuaded that neither the French Government
nor the Congress, would have countenanced your
carrying me off, nor would have permitted me to be de-
tained. Their own coasts are as much exposed to such
enterprises as ours, and they will not wish to introduce
such things into the practice of war, as can have no
effect upon the great and general operations of it, but
would only add to its calamities. It was certainly fort-
unate both for Lady Selkirk and me, that I was from
home, and it was also fortunate for you. Sir, that your
officers and men behaved well, for had any of my family
suffered outrage, murder or violence, no quarter of the
Globe should have secmred you nor even some of those
imder whose commission you act, from my vengeance.
But, Sir, I am happy that their welfare enables me to
inform you, that the Orders you mention in your letter
were punctually obeyed by your two Officers and Men,
who in every respect behaved as well as could be ex-
pected on such an occasion. All the men remained on

320 JOHN PAUL JONES

the outside of the house, were civil and did no injury,
the two officers alone came within, and behaved with
civility, and we were all sorry to hear afterwards that
the younger officer in green imif orm was killed in your
engagement with the Drake, for he in particular showed
so much civility and so apparent a dislike at the busi-
ness he was then on, that it is surprising how he should
have been one of the proposers of it. What you men-
tion is certainly so, that some of the Plate was left,
but that was contrary to Lady Selkirk's intention and
to her orders, but happened partly by accident, con-
fusion and htiny, and^tly by the improper ii/clmar
tions of some servants, for wWch they were severely
reprimanded afterwards. So much was it contrary to
Lady Selkirk's intentions, that she, having met a ser-
vant carrying some Plate out of tlie way, ordered it
instantly to be taken back and given up, and indeed
her giving the inventory along with it, tho' not asked
for, proves that she meant it all to go, as the inventoiy
would only serve to show, what she would not have in-
clined to be known, had she intended or beUeved any
was left, and indeed had your Officers taken time to
examine it, they would have got all, by means of the
inventoiy, but the only thing they observed wanting
was a tea pot and coffee pot, and on mentioning it, the
servant immediately brought them. This circum-
stance, however, proves also what I have pleasure in
acknowledging, that your Officers obeyed your orders
in making no search, for which, Sir, you are entitled to
our thanks, and I most willingly give them. Tho' you
say nothing improper about what was left, nor can
Lady Selkirk be thought at all accountable for it, yet
she chooses these things to be mentioned, as she said
to your officers she believed it was all delivered, and
she would be sorry if any person whatever should be-
lieve her capable of deceit. The Uttle Plate that was

THE SETiKTRg RAID 321

lefty will seem gpater by the inventoiy than it was in
reality, of the six candle sticks left, two are of a very
small old fashioned kind, and belong^ to Lady Sel-
kirk's Grandmother, and are not one-third of the
weight of those now in fashion, the other two are little
flat trifles made exceedingly small, for the purpose of
standing in a cabinet for the purpose of sealing letters,
the teaspoons and also some spoons of an inferior make,
used at the housekeepers table, by not being kept in
the Butler's Pantry were forgot, together with some
other very small things of Uttle value, all the larger
things left were of the Birmingham plated kind. Your
genteel offer. Sir, of returning the plate is very poUte,
but at the same time neither Lady Selkirk nor I can
think of accepting it, as you must purchase it you say
for that purpose, but if your delicacy makes you unwill-
ing to keep that share of its value which as Captain
you are entitled to, without purchasing, I would in that
case wish that part to be giv^i to those private men
who were on the party, as an encouragem^it for their
good behaviour. You, Sir, are entitled to what is more
honorable, viz: the Praise of having your men under
good discipline, which on all occasions I take care to
make known.

Your most obedient servant,

Sblkibk*

Lord Selkirk to Lord Despencer:

Mt Lobd:

Your obliging attention in sending Lady Selkirk that
strange lett^ of Apologies Jones wrote from Brest, has
emboldened me to give you this additional trouble, and
makes me take the Uberty of enclosing to you my
answer to him, which otherwise I should not know how
to send. I presume there is no impropriety in allowing
my letter to go on. I leave that to your better judg-

322 JOHN PAUL JONES

ment and knowledge. He is such an odd fellow hy
what I hear of hun, (for we were perfectly unac-
quainted with him till his landing at my house) that it
is not easy to know how to write to him, nor yet very
proper to neglect answering him, since he is anxious to
get one. You would see by his strange ridiculous bom-
bast letter, that he is altogether an exotick character.
I am not entirely convinced that he is the man that the
people of this country say he is, if he is not that man,
he seems to be an enthusiast, absurd and ignorant of
the springs and moves of our affairs, and as such I
would wifih to convince him that he had no business
to meddle with me. But if he is the man whom the
people here beUeve him to be, he is both a dangerous
and worthless fellow by all accounts I can hear of him.
He is said to be a most cruel fellow, to have conunitted
no less than three mmders, and that in absconding
from the West Indies after the last one, he fled to
America, and so commenced heroic vindicator of the
Bights of Mankind, and the Officer of fine feelings. I
have made my letter to him intolerably long, but I
could not well help it, unless I had given him a veiy
short answer, which might have made him bum my
house at his next trip to these coasts, but we should
give the Devil his due, he certainly, be who he wiU,
behaved well at my house, notwithstanding that some
Plate was taken away. His letter was so long and so
absurd, that it has forced me to be very diffuse also,
and perhaps as absurd, to think of aiguing with the
Captain of a Privateer. If you do not send the letter,
be so good as to return it, tho' I think there can be no
harm in sending it.
I have the honor to be with much regard and esteem
Your Lordship's most obedient and most humble
servant

8e]

THE SELEntE RAID 323

From Lord Despencer to Lord Selkirk:

June 22nd, 1778.
My Lobd:

I am upon all occasions extremely desirous to obey
your commands when I think I can do it with pro-
priety, but I cannot help doubting, in the situation I
am in, the propriety of my forwarding a letter to such
a Rascal and Rebel as this Jones; a letter directed
to him must of course be opened at the Post Office.
This being the case, and my real sentiments, I hope
your Lordship will excuse my returning you the letter
you sent me to forward to such a person.

Your Lordship's most obedient and most humble
servant,

Lb Despencer.

A long series of difficulties incident to the valuation
of the plate delayed for several years its return. In
the year 1779, before Jones's cruise in the Bon Homme
Richard, he finally succeeded, with the help of Jona-
than Williams, in getting it away from Mr. Schweig-
hauser, the Continental agent at Nantes, but it was
not until Februaiy 12, 1784, that Jones wrote to Lord
Selkirk announcing that in consequence of the permis-
sion communicated to him through the latter's son,
Lord Daer, he had ordered the plate to be for-
warded to the care of Lord Selkirk's sister-in-law, the
Countess of Morton, in London. ''My sole induce-
ment," he declared in this letter, ''was to turn the at-
tention of my men and stop their nige from bieakmg
out and retalliating on your house and effects, the too
wanton bxunings and desolation that had been com-
mitted against their relatives and fellow citizens in

324 JOHN PAUL JONES

America by the British, of which I assure you you
would have felt the severe consequences had I not
fallen on an expedient to prevent it, and hurried my
people away before they had time for further reflec-
tion. As you were so obliging as to say to Mr. Alex-
ander that my people behaved with great decency at
your house, I ask the favor of you to announce that
circumstance to the public."

On the 4th of August, 1785, Lord Selkirk replied
that the plate, after more than a year of further de-
lay, had at last arrived in Scotland, and that he had
announced its retum, together with his acknowledg-
ment of the good behavior of Jones's men to ''many
people of fashion, and on all occasions both now and
formerly, I have done you the justice to tell that you
made an offer of returning the plate very soon after
your retum to Brest."

The plate finally arrived at Castle Douglas intact,
after its many wanderings, with the tea leaves still in
the kettle, where even to this day it is offered to the
inspection of any American visitors.

The correspondence relating to the celebrated raid
is preserved in the strong-room of the castle, and
copies of it have been presented by a descendant of Lord
Selkirk to the Navy Department in Washington.

A very brief letter from Lord Daer to his father,
written from Paris in the year 1791, relates his meeting
with Jones at the house of the American envoy to
Paris, with an expression of surprise that the black-
browed marauder was in reality so quiet and esti-
maUe an individual.

THE SELEIRE RAID 325

Lord Daer to Lord Selkirk:

Pabis, April 20th, 1791.
I was carried to-day to take a dinner at Mr. Short's
the American Envoy to this Kingdom. I met there
Thomas Paine, the author of ^'T^e Rights of Man"
and Paul Jones. This latter and I had two hours in
the room, walking, and at dinner, before either of us
knew who the other was. After (Unner we were intro-
duced, I made him a speech from you, expressive of
your obligations to him, for the order in which his men
were kept at the landmg. I told him how you had
first answered his letter. He said he had got your
second, and b^an apologizing for not having answered
it. I told him there was no occasion, it had not been
expected he should. He seems a sensible little fellow.
He is not dark as I had heard. He acknowledged he
was from Britain, but said he was settled in America
before the war b^an, and it was then his country. I
did not ask him from what part of the kingdom.

Yours affectionately,

Dabr.

Whatever effect Lord Selkirk's extremely sincere
epistles might have eventually produced upon Paul
Jones, with their evident and entire unconsciousness of
any personal knowledge of his correspondent, Jones
cl^urly retained at the time of his letter to Franklin in
March, 1779, his long-cherished belief in some connec-
tion with the Selkirk family.

In the winter of 1780, in reply to a request of the
Baron Van der Capellen for a public declaration in
regard to his relationship with Lord Selkirk, he stated
that ''he had no obligation to Lord Selkirk, except for
his good opinion, and that neither himself or his inune-

326 JOHN PAUL JONES

diate family were known to the eail except byrepu-
tation."

After the dose of the Revolution, during his sojourn
in Paris, from 1784 to 1786, he dwelt in the same
lodging with the author of the already quoted letter in
the Arnerican Ldterary Magazine, and to him made his
final statement that he was the son of George Paul,
Lord Selkirk's gardener. Having been ultimately dis-
abused by the character of Lord Selkirk's later epistles,
and doubtless by further information concerning the
well-known facts of Lord Selkirk's absence from Saint
Mary's Isle during the years preceding and following
his birth, Jones had finally been compdled to abandon
his belief in his aristocratic descent and to conclude
that the Duke of Queensbuiy's unusual interest did
not imply any relation to the Selkirk family.

The statements of Jones himself in regard to his
service in the British navy, definitely contained in his
letter to Morris, and the unquestionable suggestion of
his relationship to Lord Selkirk in the letter to Frank-
lin, exist in his own handwriting, and are therefore
evidence of an unimpeachable kind. The significance
of Mrs. Bimie's suggestion as to the irregularity of his
birth is likewise highly important, as she was in a posi-
tion to know the facts from her immediate family.

Jones's statement to his fellow-lodger rests on the
authority of a reviewer of a perfectly reliable pubhca-
tion, and the internal evidence of veracity in the writ-
ten statement of his informant. It is the only state-
ment coming from Jones himself in regard to his
paternity. Taken in consideration with the accounts

THE SELKIRK RAID 327

in the Chase narrative and those of Colonel Green in
regard to the utterances of Jones to his friends in North
Carolina, the above collection of testimony of a mutu-
ally confirmatoiy character bearing upon his eariy be-
lief that he was related to the Selkirk family can admit
of little question.

Without the determining motive which Jones himself
so long believed to have actuated the protection and
favor of the Duke of Queensbuiy , it is evident that this
unusual attitude must have arisen from the Duke's
recognition of the remarkable promise of the child whom
he found in the garden at Saint Mary's Isle.

Wholly imawarei as both Lord and Lady Selkirk un-
questionably were, of the delusion existing in Paxil
Jones's mind as to the connection with their family, the
strange letter which th^ received from an individual
known only to them through the disparaging reports
current in the adjoining village and county of Kirkcud-
bright! must always have been entirely incomprehen-
sible. Lord Selkirk's letters are those of a singularly
honest and high-minded person, anxious to do full
justice to the much-despised man who had dealt so
surprisingly with his property. The obscure psychol-
ogy of the mind from which emanated the epistle to
Lady Selkirk is worth anal3rsis. The first and ruling
passion of Paul Jones was ambition; this ambition,
abnormal in its intensity, was the motive-power which
determined his career.

While yet of tender years he abandoned his position
in the royal navy for lack of opportunities of quick ad-
vancement. This same ambition, combined with great

328 JOHN PAUL JONES

capacityi procured him the position of mate and com-
mander of trading-vessels while he was still exceed-
ingly youUiful, and after disastrous adventures and re-
verses brought about his astonishing advancement to
his conspicuous place in the United States navy.

AmbitioUi working imhindered upon his immensely
vigorous imaginationi built the delusion of an aristo-
cmtic extraction upon circumstantial evidence, whoDy
devoid of definite facts. From his self-love and bum-
ing determination to force his own valuation of himself
into public recognition grow the extraordinaiy concep-
tion of canying off his supposed father as a captive
and the no less extraordinary address to Lady SeUdrk.

From the height to which his untrammelled fancy
had raised him he announced himself as the impartial
defender of the insulted rights of human naturo, de-
claring himself '^ totally imfettered by the little mean
distinctions of climate or of country.'' Bearing the
American flag, he went so far as to state that he was
not in arms as an American, an expression in actual
disagreement with his unquestioned devotion to the
'^countiy of his fond election'' and with the facts.
This unsympathetic declaration can only be explained
by the torturing consciousness of his attitude toward
his native land, and of the public odiiun which he
realized he had theroby incurred.

Together with this deep-ljring consciousness, f oroing
him into the impartial position of a ^'citizen of the
world," wero the long and bitter roflections of his
youth upon the stigma of ill^timacy and the later
and undeserved obloquy which had made his name a

THE SELEIRE RAID 329

byword of contempt in his home and driven him into
exile.

These were the sources from which emei]ged| in the
poetic phraseology of the period, this curious apologia
for his character and motives which has for so many
years puzzled the students of his character.

He was exceedingly proud of the carefully turned
phrases; sent the letter open to the Postmaster-G^ieral
to insure its official i^gnition, and furnished many
copies to his valued friends. 1/^thout his extraordi-
nary passion for distinction Paxil Jones would never have
emerged from the obscure and unfortunate conditions
of his birth; but the attack upon Lord Selkirk's estate,
together with the strange letter which resulted from it,
remain as the fantastic error and the culminating
extravagance of the tyrant motive which enslaved
him.*

* In a report to the board of admiralty of the year 1781 is found the
following lefereoce to his deeoent upon Saint Mar3r's Isle:

"I landed the day after in Scotland in order to take some nobleman
prisoner as a hostage for the good treatment and esohange of our
countrymen in England. The Earl of Selkirk lived near the diore, and
it was my intention to take him."

This unneoessary disclaimer of any especial interest in this particular
nobleman is very significant in its disagreement with Jones's hdi>itual
and transparent fraiJcness. Having known Saint Mary's Isle since his
childhood, it would have been far more natural if he had assigned this
f amiHari^ as the reason of his choice of Lord Selkiric as a hostage.

C3HAPTER Xn

SIMPSON

The weather, fortunately, remained moderate for
twenty-four hours after the engagement with the
Drake f so that Jones was able to refit the two ships
and get them in readiness for the return voyage to
Brest. These necessary preparations did not prevent
the victorious captain from capturing a Whitehaven
brigantine, which out of curiosity had ventured too near
the Ranger and her prize. The weather soon became
unfavorable and the wind rose and shifted to the north.
Jones therefore determined to give up his design of
returning as he came, by Saint George's C!hannd, and
steered a northerly course with the purpose of rounding
the coast of Ireland. This brou^t him off Belfast
Lough toward nightfall of the day following the battle.
''It was now time/' he relates, ''to release the honest
Irishmen whom I took here on the twenty-first, and as
the poor fellows had lost their boat, she having sunk,
in the late stormy weather, I was happy in my power
to give them the necessary sum to purchase everything
new which they had lost. I gave them also a good
boat to transport themselves ashore, and sent with them
two infirm men, on whom I bestowed the last guinea
in my possession to defray their traveling expenses to
their proper home in Dublin. They took with them

230

SIMPSON 331

one of the Drakes sails, which would sufficiently explain
what had happened to the volunteers. The grateful
Irishmen were enrapturedi and expressed their joy in
three huzzas as they passed the Ranger's quarter/'

Jones's invariable humanity to his prisoners, as
shown in the case of the Canadian fishermen, whom he
had furnished with a ship to transport them across
the Northern ocean after he had effected the destruc-
tion of the enemy's fisheries at Canso, was again shown
in his kindness to these Irishmen as well as in a very
courteous letter which he wrote at this time to inform
the rdations of Lieutenant Dobbs of the circumstances
of his death, which occurred two days after the capture
of the Drake.

On the 20th Jones placed his first lieutenant, Simp-
son, in command of the Drake, with careful instructions
to keep close to the Ranger, to assist him in any en-
counter with British ships, and in case of imavoidable
separation from his consort, to steer directly to the
port of Brest. The Drake, however, was in tow of the
Ranger during the passage around the northem coast
of Ireland, the two vessels pursuing their course with-
out incident until the morning of the 5th of May, when
they were off Ushant. Jones then perceived a strange
sail at a short distance, and ordering the hawser cut
which attached him to the Drake, started off alone in
pursuit of the prize. Finding that it was a Swede, he im-
mediately turned back to rejoin the Drake, but instead
of waiting for the Ranger, the Drake hauled close by
the wind, so that when the Ranger hailed her she was
nearly out of sight. Owing to this unexpected circum-

332 JOHN PAUL JONES

stance, Jones was unable to chase a number of large
merchant-ships, which sailed by him into the channel,
being compdled to run after the Drake, which still
steered her course away from him. Toward noon the
Ranger came up nearly abreast of the Drake, but con-
siderably to leeward, when the wind shifted, and the
Drake again showed her heels to her pursuer. Jones
flew his signals in vain during the afternoon and all
through the night, and when morning dawned gave
chase to a sail which he perceived at a veiy great dis-
tance. The vessel showed no intention of speaking
the Ranger, although, as Jones afterward learned, she
was recognized and her signals plainly seen. Jones
finally succeeded in coming up with the fleeing ship,
when he discovered that she was no other than the
truant Drake. Exceedingly angry over his lost time,
exasperated at length by tiiis last exhibition of insub-
ordination, and no doubt fortified by his recent suc-
cesses, he now suspended Simpson for disobedience of
orders, and put his second lieutenant, Elijah Hall, in
command of the Drake. This entirely justifiable action
was destined to involve him in many complications and
clouded the pleasure of his success.

On the evening of the 8th of May the two ships
arrived finally off the mouth of Brest harbor. Jones
had brought in as many as two hundred prisoners, and
his first concem was to insure by an equal exchange
the release of the American captives who had long been
languishing in the British military jails. His first act
on landing at Brest was to pay an early moming visit
to his friend Count D'OrvilUers, to consult with him as

SIMPSON 333

to the best methods of avoiding any miscarriage of his
purpose. D'Orvilliers welcomed him with great cor-
diality, and, although considering that he was bound to
announce the capture of the Engh'sh prisoners and the
result of Jones's cruise to his government, which he did
by letter on this veiy day, he advised Jones to forestall
any possible interference with the execution of his
plans by equipping the Drake with all speed, and send-
ing the prisoners off to America before any answer
could arrive from Paris. The ill-advised policy of re-
leasing Finglish prisoners on parole, without assurance
of exchange, had rendered all Franklin's earnest efforts
for the release of the American captives quite in^ect-
ual. This policy had been followed by the captains of
the American cruisers in Eim)pe, for the reason that
th^ had no funds with which to maintain their pris-
oners. Jones was determined to make a better use of
the two hundred he had captured, and had no inten-
tion of letting one of them go without exchange.

His first letter to the commissioners was written im-
mediately after his consultation with D'Orvilliers:

Ranger, Bbbst, May 9(h, 1778.
Gentlemen:

I have the honor to acquaint you that I arrived here
last night and brought in with me the British ship of
war Drake, of 20 guns, with Finglish colors inverted
under the American stars. I shall soon give you the
particulars of my cruise; in the meantime you will
see some account of it in a letter of this date from
Goimt D'Orvilliers to Monseigneur de Sartine. I have
brought in two hundred prisoners, and as Comte D'Or-
villiers is apprehensive that as war with En^and is

334 JOHN PAUL JONES

not yet declared, they may perhaps be given up withr
out exchange, I have resolved to equip ^e DrcJce with
all possible e3q)edition at Cammeret, and to send the
prisoners in her to America, so fully am I convinced of
the bad policy of releasing prisoners, especially seamen,
without an exchange, that I am determined never to
do it while there remains an alternative. I should not,
however, have taken a resolution of such importance
without consulting with you, had not Comte D'Or-
viUiers told me that the retum of a letter from the
Minister might perhaps put it out of my power, and
therefore reconmiended me that I should lose no time.

Notwithstanding this, you will perhaps find it expe-
dient to endeavor to ^ect an exchange of those pris-
oners in Europe, and should the Minister agree to hold
them avowedly as prisoners of war, you will of course
inform me thereof per express, so as to reach me if
possible before the departure of the Drake.

I have suspended and confined Lieutenant Simpson
for disobedience of orders. I have only time at pres-
ent to add that I have the honor to be, with much
esteem and respect. Gentlemen,
Your very obli^, very obedient, very humble servant,

Jom^ Paul Jones.

This letter, with its veiy natural pride in the hitherto
unprecedented capture of an English man-of-war, and
its glowing reference to the American flag, furnishes a
far more consistent and genuine expression of Paul
Jones's real devotion to the countiy of his ''fond elec-
tion '' than the strange self-conscious rhodomontade of
the epistle so lately penned to Lady Selkirk.

As no express arrived to inform him of the conmiis-
sioners' will in r^ard to the disposition of his prisoners,
and as he was anxious already to find the funds with

SIMPSON 335

which to maintain thenii and to clothe and feed his
creWi Jones wrote to Franklin on the 16th to announce
that he had that day drawn on the commissioners, in
favor of M. Bersolle, a bill of 24|000 livres. He was
further impelled to this action by the intelligence com-
mmiicated to him by the French authorities that the
sale of the Ranger^ s prizes was likely to be indefinitely
delayed by the claims of the admiralty board at Brest.
His confidence in the support of the representatives of
his govemmenti and his continued r^urd for the wel-
fare of the men who had so reluctantly aided him in
his cruisci were both destined to severe and afflicting
disillusionment. The conunissioners declined to honor
his bill| and his officers and crew, with scarcely an ex-
ception, sympathized with Simpson and wrote to the
conunissioners to protest against his imprisonment.

Again, as in the case of his supersedure in rank,
Paul Jones was destined to receive blows instead of
latuels, and ^^roses" which he complained ''had a
superabundance of thorns." His feelings in r^ard to
his rebuff at the hands of the conunissioners are ex-
pressed in the continuation of his detailed account of
the cruise sent on the 27th. No reply had arrived in
answer to his letters of the 9th and 16th, nor was
there any indication that any report had reached the
conunisdoners through D'Orvilliers's letter to Sartine,
although the latter had replied to D'Orvilliers. ''M.
BersoUe," Jones writes to the conunissioners, ''has this
moment informed me of the fate of my bills, the more
extraordinary, as I have made no use of your letter of
credit of the 10th of January last, whereby I then

336 JOHN PAUL JONES

seemed entitled to call for half the amount of my last
draft, and I did not expect to be thought extravagant
when on the 16th current I doubled that demand. I
cannot, howeveri be silent when I find the public credit
in the same disgrace. I conceive this might have been
prevented. To make me completely wretched M. Ber-
soUe has told me that he now holds his hand, not only
of the necessaiy articles to refit the ship, but also of
the daily provisions. I know not how to find to-mor-
row's dinner for the great niunber of mouths that
depend on me for food. Are the Continental ships of
war to depend on their prizes for a daily dinner for
their men? Publish it not in Gath. My officers as
well as men want clothes, and the prizes are precluded
from being sold before further orders from the Min-
ister. I will ask you, gentlemen, if I have deserved all
this? I am unwilling to think that you have int^-
tionally involved me in this sad dilemma at a tune
when I ought to expect some enjoyment."

It is evident that Jones would have been wiser had he
availed himself first of the letter of credit for 500
'^Louidores," which he already had in his hands, and
then sent an account of his further expenses and neces-
sities to the commissioners. This letter of credit was
actually written by Arthur Lee himself and that
troublesome g^tleman would have been compelled to
honor it.

Jones's natiual elation at his unprecedented success
and his earnest desire to please the disaffected offices
and men of the Ranger, coupled with his belief that he
was entitled to call for twice the amount of his letter of

SIMPSON 337

credit, after his cruise had been successfully completedi
and twice the number of months had elapsed for which
this letter of credit was supposed to suffice, furnish the
excuse and explanation of his act. The difficulties
which this veiy pardonable indiscretion brought upon
him were many, and were complicated by reasons of
which he was then imaware. The commissioners were
exceedingly embarrassed for funds, but Franklin would
unquestionably have f oimd some means of relieving his
immediate necessities if his hands had not been tied
temporarily by the radical change which had taken
place at Passy, owing to the arrival of John Adams, on
April the 1st, to take the place of Silas Deane.

Adams was, at least at this time, in qrmpathy with
Arthur Lee, and Lee's policy of suspicion and obstruc-
tion was now in control. Adams belonged to the New
England party in Congress, who were secretly opposed
to both Washington and Franklin and jealous of their
power. He was supported very strongly by the pow-
erful Lee brothers in this attitude, and ^ey repre-
sented a dangerous opposition to the great constructive
leaders who were laboring not only for the indepen-
dence but the permanent establi^mient of the new
nation.

A glance at the secret journals of the Continental
Congress, now open to public perusal, with their records
of the small majorities which defeated the Conway
cabal, and the attempts of the Lees to place their
brother Arthur in sole control in Pkuis, furnish a terri-
fying retrospect of the dangers which nearly dethroned
Washington in America and Franklin in Europe, and

338 JOHN PAUL JONES

narrowly failed of destroying the usefulness of the
groat leaders in the ropublic at the moment of its
birth. John Adams was afterward convinced of Lee's
malicious inefficiency^ but now distinctly supported
him in the acts which wero prompted by the latter's
insane jealousy and suspicion. A sweeping reform was
instituted in the business methods of the commissioners'
office at Fassy by Adams^ at the instigation of Lee^ and
a minute examination of accoimts was made and
changes brou^t about which Franklin himself punc-
tiliously aided and abetted.^

Jonathan WilliamS; holding his appointment as Ck)n-
tinental agent at Nantes imder the authority of the
commissioners, was dismissed, with his uncle's concur-
ronce, on the peremptory order of Adams and Lee; and
Lee's brother, William, who had been informed by an
unconfirmed private letter to Deane from a member of
Congress, that that body had appointed him, with
direct and superior authority, to the post of Conti-
nental agent, was sent to Nantes to supersede Jonathan
Williams and to investigate his papers. TVUliam Lee
spent a couple of months at Nantes, and then departed,
leaving one Schweighauser, a f oroign merohant and a
most troublesome and venial Jew, in charge of the
American affairs at the Fronch port. John Ross's bills
wero also held up, and it was entirely natural, imder
such a sweeping r^ime of investigation and suspicion,

^Franklin's aooounts when presented to Congress were found to
show a discrepancy of exactly three cents, and those of Jcmathan
Williams, still presenred by his descendants, were also found to be
without error. His commissions for the sale of jirises were exactly
half the sum of Schweighauser's.

SIMPSON 339

that Paul Jones^ at the moment of his hard*won suc-
cess, should come in for his share of the trouble.

Other unfortunate circumstances which probably
influenced Franklin's concurrence in the rebuff which
was dealt out to Jones were the arrival of Simpson's
complaint at his imprisonmenti supported by the enthe
ship's crew, and the non-arrival of any account of ex-
penditiu^ to explain Jones's draft, or of any official
report of his cruise. It does not appear why none of
Jones's letters had reached Passy, but the first com-
munication from the commissioners, dated the 23d,
written throu^out in the autograph of Arthur Lee, is
significant of his temporary ascendency and is frankly
hostile and mandatory in tone:

To Captain Paul Jonbs

Sra:—
We have heard of your arrival at Brest with a
prize, and are surprised that you have not given us an
account of that, and of your other proce^ingp. We
desire tiiat you will not take any measures relative to
the prize and prisoners, you may have made, except
in securing them, nor incur any considerable expense
without our orders.

Upon receipt of this, you will immediately send us an
account of what you have done upon your cruise; of
what your prizes consist of; what repairs you want;
and what further measures you propose to pursue.
Upon all these subjects you will wait our directions.
Lieutenant Simpson has stated to us your having put
him \mder arrest for disobeying orders. As a Court
Martial must by order of Congress consist of three
Captains, three Lieutenants, and three captains of
Marines, and these cannot be had here, it is our desire

340 JOHN PAUL JONES

that he may have a passage procured for him by the
first opportunity to America, aUowing him whatever
may be necessary for his defence. As the consequences
of an arrest in foreign countries are thus extremely
troublesome, they should be well considered before they
are made.

Hiis was scant recognition for the brilliant success
which Jones had achieved at such risk and with such a
singular display of his sole courage and pertinacity.

The next communication which was despatched to
him from the commissioners was the letter of the 26th,
which announced the refusal of his bill. This docu-
ment was not the sole work of Lee, but was inscribed
in the autograph of Adams and signed by all three of
the commissioners. It contained a brief acknowledg-
ment of his services, congratulating him on his ''suc-
cess and safe arrival at Brest,'' as well as on the ''honor
you have acquired by your conduct." It informed him
that a new Continental agent had replaced his friend
Williams at Nantes, and that all applications for his
expenses should be made through Schweighauser. The
new appointee of Arthur Lee showed not the slightest
inclination to attend to his duties, and Jones f oimd
himself in a veiy critical condition of poverty and
distress. He applied to CJomte D'OrviUiers and the
Intendant of the Marine at Brest, as well as to the
Due de Chartes, who lent him the necessary money
on his own personal credit; and thus relieved by his
French friends, when his own government had left him
in the lurch, he was able to feed his prisoners and his
crew. Jones was tempted to publish the reasons for his

SIMPSON 341

extraordinary predicament, but wisely refrained, con-
tenting himself with pouring out his indignation pri-
vately in various letters to his friends, expressed with
his characteristic freedom and force.

''That America should suffer this damned disgrace/'
he wrote to Doctor Bancroft, ''in the presence of the
French fleet, and the knowledge of every officer and
person here, covers me with shame. None of my prizes
can be sold, and my officers and men want the withal
to cover their nakedness. Mr. WiUiams I expect will be
with you when this appears; he will not forget his
suffering friend at Brest.'' To Carmichael and Boss,
and Williams himself, he also wrote, thanking the last
named for his sjonpathetic letter, and avowing that he
was in great need of such "cordial drops." "I am so
ashamed," he confessed, "that I have thought of shut-
ting myself up, except that it would appear that I
deserved it, — ^Perhaps, my friend, you wiD bring fair
weather and sunshine, or take me in tow until I can
repair my rigging." About the commissioners' letter
he wrote: "I wish you could see a letter of the 25th ult.
spun from the brains of Arthur Lee, the Commissioners
all sign it, tho' the first, (Franklin) is the last, and the
lafit, (Lee) is the first. I know that the letter is not of
Franklin's dictation." Li a few days, an encourag-
ing and complimentary epistle arrived from Franklin,
which showed that Jones's powerful ally was still in
sympathy with him and secretly engaged in his behalf.
The reference it contained to Jones's letter to Lady
Selkirk, coming from the pen of the author of the
"Autobiography," showed an indulgent comprehension

A

342 JOHN PAUL JONES

of Jones's chivaMc intentions. What Franklin leaDy
thought of the literary style of this bombastic eicample
of the philosophical jargon of the eighteenth century,
does not appear.

Passt, May 77th, 1778.
Dbar Sm: —

I received yours of the 18th enclosing one for the
Countess of Selkirk, which I forwarded this day by the
way of Holland, as you desire. It is a gallant letter,
and must give her ladyship a high and just opinion of
your generosity and nobleness of mind. The Jersey
Privateers do us a great deal of mischief by intercepting
our supplies. It has been mentioned to me that your
small vessel commanded by so brave an officer, might
render great service by f oUowing them where greater
ships dare not venture their bottoms, or being accom-
panied and supported by some frigates from Brest at
the proper distance, might draw them out and take
them. I wish you to consider this, as it comes from
high authority, and that you would inmiediately let
me know what you think of it, and when your ship
would be ready. I have written to England about the
exchange of your prisoners. I congratulate you most
cordially on your late success, and wish for a continu-
ance and increase of the honor you have acquired. It
will always be a pleasure to me to contribute what
may Ue in my power towards your advancement, and
that of the brave officers under your command.

This word of praise from Franklin produced the
happy result of instantly calming Jones's irritation and
restoring to him his equanimity; such had been the in-
fluence of his friend Hewes in allaying the tormenting
sense of injury which followed his supersedure in rank;

_ ^.._-_ .^

SIMPSON 343

such was mvariably the result of the lightest word of
sympathy or commendation from any friend in whom
he believed.

The plan of decoying the Jersey privateers was cal-
culated to redoimd but little to Jones's credit, although
accompanied with considerable danger; but with his
characteristic disinterestedness he signified his readi-
nees to cany it out, sending by return post a careful
letter filled with wise suggestions as to the best methods
of successfully carrying out the plan, and saying that
he wished to render ^^essential services to the cause of
America m any measure which might be considered
expedient."

A few days later the tide of his very natural indigna-
tion at the treatment he had received from the com-
missioners had so far subsided that he was able to send
them a very candid letter of explanation and apology
for his unauthorized draft. '^I frankly ask your par-
don for the liberty I took the 16th ult. when I ventured
to sign a draft upon you for the purpose of supplying
the people under my command with necessary clothing.
I hope that you do not impute to me a desire to receive
presents of the public's money. On the contraiyi I
need not now assert that I stepped forth at the be^-
ning; from nobler motives. My accoimts before I left
America, testify that I am more than 1500 pounds in
advance for the public service, exclusive of any con-
cern with the sloop of war Ranger, and as for wages, I
never received any. The rules whereby Congress have
been pleased to command me to regulate my conduct
in the Navy, authorize me to issue my warrant to the

344 JOHN PAUL JONES

agent, and I humbly conceive that it is his province
to furnish me with an estimate of the amount of ex-
penses/'

In this way Jones very properly reminded liie com-
missioners, with a view to enlightening Lee in particu-
lar, of his own direct relations with Congress. He also
observed with point that all disagreeable altercations
would have been avoided if they had written to inform
him of their determination to change the Continental
agent, and complained that the new incumbent of the
office had failed to be present at Brest to conduct the
necessary sale of prizes or to send any representative.

The first-fruits of Lee's reform were not particularly
successful. It is interesting to record that BersoDe's
accounts were properly paid, after BersoUe himself had
laid his complaint before the French minister of marine,
and that Jones himself was also supplied directly with
funds for the necessities of his crew.

The long account of his cruise had meanwhile reached
Franklin, giving at last a full idea of the real value of
his achievements and of his unique abilities, with the
result that Franklin b^an at once to provide the full-
est possible opportunities for their further use. He
now availed himself secretly of his unimpaired influence
with the French court, and having received Sartine's
assurance that the King would favor his wishes, on the
1st of Jime he sent ofiF to Jones a letter in which he
held out to him the prospect of the long-coveted com-
mand of the Indien:

'' I have the pleasure of informing you,'' he wrote,
^' that it is proposed to give you the command of the

d

SIMPSON 345

great ship we have built at Amsterdam. By what you
wrote us formerly^ I have ventured to say in your be-
half that this proposition would be agreeable to you.
You win immediately let me know your resolution,
which that you may be more dear in taking, I must
inform you of some circumstances. She is at present
the property of the King, but as there is no war yet
declared; you will have the commission and flag of the
United States, and act under their orders and laws. The
Prince de Nassau will make the cruise with you. She
is to be brought here under cover as a French Mer-
chantman, to be equ^ped and manned in France. We
hope to exchange your prisoners for as many American
sailors, but if that fails, you have your present crew, to
be made up here with other nations and French. Hie
other commisdoners are not acquainted with this prop-
osition as yet, and you see by the nature of it that it is
necessary to be kept secret till we have got the vessel
here, for fear of difficulties in Holland and interrup-
tion. You will therefore direct your answer to me
alone, it being desired that at present the affair rest
between you and me. Perhaps it may be best for you
to take a trip up here to concert matters, if in g^eral
you approve the idea.

''I was much pleased with reading your journal which
we received yesterday." . . .

Jones replied to this thrice welcome epistle by retum
post: '^ I cannot but be deeply sensible of the honor
conferred upon me by the proposition,'' he declared,
''and I really think it affords a fair prospect of success.
I shall be happy in opportunities to prove by my con-

346 JOHN PAUL JONES

duct how much I wish to meet the continuance of
your confidence, and that of the Prince."

On the 10th Doctor Franklin wrote again, confirming
the promise of the Indien, and suggested the possibility
that the lately arrived Providence frigate, under Cap-
tain Whipple, would join Jones in the cruise. He
aaked him to come up to Versailles without dday, to
consult with the commissioners and the French autliori-
ties. He gave Jones a hint of the dissatisfaction of
Adams and Lee in r^ard to the insubordination on the
Ranger^ and the protection afforded its captain by him-
self, and concluded with an expression of well-merited
confidence and esteem. ''The project of giving yoa
this ship pleases me the more as it is a probable open-
ing to the higher preferment you so justiy merit.''

In obedience to these direct orders Jones now pro-
ceeded to Paris, where he became immediately the
centre and bone of contention between the opposing
commissioners. It is interesting to observe, by the
conflicting character of the letters addressed to him
from Passy, the attitude of Adams and Lee as con-
trasted with that of Franklin. Lee found no difficulty
in influencing Adams in his hostile and disparaging at-
titude toward Jones, for the latter's sectional prejudice
was already very definitely directed against him. The
New England statesman consistently resented the pre-
ferment which Jones had acquired through the North
Carolina member of the marine committee, Mr. Hewes,
and referred to Jones as an '^emigrant foreigner from
the South." Lee, in a letter to the committee of for-
eign affairs, entirely omitted to mention any of Jones's

^nm^^^

^

4

SIMPSON 347

accomplishments^ and compared the victorious Ranger
with Conyngham's ship^ which the latter had seen fit
to withdraw from European service without orders,
saying that he ''fears the Ranger will share the fate
of the RevengeJ* He enclosed in this same letter a
communication severely criticismg Jones, signed by
the majority of his crew, and said that ''the Commis- \
doners had done all in their power to bring him and
his officers to order, but hitherto in vdn/'

In q)ite of this hostility Jones succeeded in estate
lishing favorable relations with the French minister of
marine, and the prospect of procuring the Amsterdam
ship, with its promise of an adequate command, greatly
encomraged him. It had been reported that the Indien
was already in deep water, and would be ready for
service without delay, but when the Prince of Nassau
went to Holland to take possession of her, he found
these representations unfounded. He reported that it
would still be three months before the ship could be
laimched, and also made known the objections of the
Dutch Government to permitting the ship to be used
against England. The Prince of Nassau was not of
the calibre to get anything done which required prac-
tical ability. Collaterally related to the IVench royal
family, and possessed of a restless love of adventure,
he had been granted the opportunity of sailing with
Jones in the projected cruise, but the choice of him as
a messenger to tihe Dutch Government, by the French
court, was an unwise one, and the n^otiation, which
demanded a diplomatic talent far beyond the capacity
of this roving paladin, failed of success.

348 JOHN PAUL JONES

In later years, in Russia, Jones was destined to be
associated with this prince; he found him a false and
tieacherous companion m arms, and had great reason
to r^ret the unfortunate connection.

The news of the engagement of the BeUe Potde with
the Arelhvsa, with its indication of the rapid approach
of open hostilities between France and England, now
further added to the embarrassment which the min-
ister was under at the reluctance of the Dutch Govern-
ment to release the Indien, and Jones saw that he must
definitely abandon his hopes of obtaining the vessel.
Realizing at this juncture that the main purpose of his
coming to Europe was not to be fulfilled, he now pro-
posed to return without delay to America, hoping to
get the command of some one of the new ships which
had been built by the home government. He requested
the commissioners to permit him to sail without delay,
and orders to that effect were issued to him on the
16th of Jime.

Jones now wrote an admirable letter to his disaffected
crew, announcing that he had arranged on the instant
of his arrival at Versailles for the free sale of the prizes,
and promising his homesick men a speedy return to
America. He wrote that he hoped this good news
would be published in the ship, for the ^'general hap-
piness and satisfaction,'' and said that he would soon
be able to convince every person imder his command
that he took ''particular pleasure in making them
rich and happy.'' This posture of affairs was des-
tined, however, to last but a few dajrs. The French
court again intervened and requested the commis-

SIMPSON 349

doners to detain Jones in Europe to act under their
orders.

It was now necessary to find another captain for
the Ranger, and the commissioners decided to appoint
a Mr. Livingston to take her back to America; but
JoneSi who had meanwhile been informed by his friend
Jonathan Williams that Simpson was willing to make
apologies and concessions^ and who never did things
by halves, now intervened in behalf of his disobedient
officer, and persuaded the commissioneiB to give him
the command of the ship. As a matter of fact, a far
more rigorous imprisonment of Simpson had been
brought about by the extravagant bdiavior of the cul-
prit than had been originally contemplated by Jones
himself. Placed in nominal confinement upon the
Drake, and given a good state-room and freedom to
walk the deck, he had so increased the insubordination
of the crew by his assertions that Jones was responsible
for the detention of their prize-money, that they again
became mutinous and disobeyed orders with boldness
and frequency. When D'Orvilliers recommended plac-
ing the English prisoners upon the Drake, it was nec-
essary to provide other quarters for Simpson, and he
was transferred to the Admiral, a French ship, where
he was allowed the same liberties as before. Here,
however, his expressions of insubordination were so
extravagant and surprising to the French commander,
that he advised Jones of the immediate necessity of
placing him in close confinement on shore. In this
situation Jones paid Simpson's expenses out of his own
pocket, and then volimtarily released him on parole.

360 JOHN PAUL JONES

Influenced, as he undoubtedly was, by the kindty
counsels of his friends Franklin and Williams, upon
his arrival in Fassy, and believing in the sincerity of
Simpson's conciliatory messages, he now determined
to let the matter drop entirely, and wrote as follows to
the commissioners: ''I am willing to let the dispute
between us drop forever, by giving up his parole; I
bear no malice, and if I have done him an injury, this
will make him all present satisfaction in my power.
If, on the contraiy, he has injured me, I will trust him
for acknowledgment."

The magnanimity of this action was ill-appreciated
by its recipient, and Jones lived to bitterly r^ret his
impulsive confidence and good nature.

The command of the Ranger being now, as Jones sup-
posed, satisfactorily arranged, he announced himself
as ready to receive the orders of M. de Sartine, and
wrote to him as follows:

Passt, July 17ifc, 1778.
M. DE Sabtinb,

My Lord: —
I should be imgratef ul did I not return my thanks
for your kind and generous intentions in my favor.
My greatest ambition would be to merit your future
approbation, by my services against the conmion enemy
of France and America. Had your first plan iaikea
effect, the most pleasing prospect of success would
have been before me. But that now seems a distant
object.

I have no doubt but that many projects, which would
promise success, might be formed from the hints I had
the honor of sending lately for your inspection. EEad

SIMPSON 351

I been entrusted with the chief command, I would have
been responsible for the consequences.

I am bound in honor to communicate faithfully to
Congress the generous offer which the King now makes
of lending the Epervier, in the meantime to be em-
ployed under my command and under the flag of the
United States of America. I would thankfully have
accepted this offer the moment it was communicated
to me, had no difficulties have occurred on accoimt of
the situation of the American f imds. I have now under
my command a ship bound to America. On my arrival
there, from the former confidence of Congress, I have
reason to expect an immediate removal into one of
their best ships. I have reason, also, to expect the
chi^ command of the first squadron destined for an
e}q)edition. I have in my possession several similar
appointments, and when Congress sees fit to appoint
admirals, I have assurances that my name will not be
forgot.

These are flattering prospects to a man who has
drawn his sword only from motives of philanthropy,
and in support of the dignity of human natm^. But,
as I prefer a solid to a shining reputation — a useful to a
splendid command — ^I hold myself ready, with the
approbation of the American Commissioners at Paris,
to be governed by you in any measures that may tend
to dis&ess and humble the common enemy.

I have the honor to be &c.

J. P. Jones.

The French Government was now rapidly maturing
plans for a general attack upon the naval forces of
England, and a great fleet of thirty ships of war was
assembled at Brest, awaiting the actual declaration of
hostiUties. Jones requested to be permitted to join the

352 JOHN PAUL JONES

fleet as a volunteer under the command of his good
friend Ck)unt d'Orvilliers, hoping to profit by the les-
sons in naval strat^y and in the management of
large forces^ which D'OrviDiers was very willing to
afford him, but the minister replied that, although the
King appreciated his offer, his desire was to employ
him in a manner more useful to the allied powers.
Jones then, at Sartine's request, submitted the papers
he had already drawn up for the commissioners, in
which various plans for descents upon the coasts of
En^and were laid out:

Flan for Expeditions submitted by Com. Jones to the
American Plenipotentiaries, and to the French
Minister of Marine.

Passt, Jvm 5, 1778.

As the first proposed will be impeded for some time,
in the interval a great variety of projects present them-
selves, some of which might prove of great utility to
France and America by distreBsing the conunon enemy
at a small expense.

Three very fast sailing frigates, with one or two
tenders, might enter the Irish Channel, and bum at
Whitehaven from two to three himdred ships, besides
the town which contains 50,000 inhabitants; this would
render it difficult, if not impossible, to supply Ireland
with coal the ensuing winter.

The same force would be sufficient to take the bank
of Ayr in Scotland and destroy the town, or perhaps
the whole shipping in the Clyde with the towns and
stores of Greenock and Port Gla9gow, provided no
alarm was first given at other places. The fishery at
Cambletown is an object worthy attention, and in
some of the ports of Ireland ships may perfai^ be

SIMPSON 353

found worth from 150,000 to 200,000 L. Sterling, each.

It might perhaps be equally expedient to alarm
Britain on the east side, which might be effected with
equal and perhaps inferior force, by destroying the coal
slupping of Newcastle &c, which would occasion the
utmost distress for fuel in London; and there are many
towns of consequence on the East and North coasts of
England and Scotland which are defenceless, and might
be either burnt or laid under contribution.

The success of either these or the like enterprises will
depend on surprising well, and on despatch both in the
attack and in the retreat; therefore it is necessary the
ships should sail fast and that their force should be
sufficient to repel any of the enemy's cruising frigates,
two of which may perhaps be met at a time.

It is scarcely conceivable how great a panic the suc-
cess in any one of these projects would occasion in
England. It would convince them that their coasts
are vulnerable, and would consequently hurt their
public credit.

If alarming the coast of Britain should be thought
inexpedient to intercept the enemy's West India or
Baltic fleets, or their Hudson Bay diips, or to destroy
their Greerdand fishery are capital objects, which
promise success if well adopted, and any one of them
might be finished before the first can take place.

These suggestions were received with favor by Sar-
tine, who had conceived a high idea of Jones's abilities
from his conduct of the Ranger cruise, and who was
entirely willing that French ships under an American
flag should conduct attacks upon the coast of their
ancient enemy in a manner not ordinarily practised in
modem warfare, and that all possible and immediate
damage should be worked against England without the

354 JOHN PAUL JONES

direct or apparent responsibility of his government.
M. Baudouine, who was Sartine's personal agent, and
M. de Chaumont, who offered to equip the squad-
ron from his personal resources, assured Jones that the
three fast-sailing frigates which were called for in his
plan would soon be at his disposition, with the tenders
and the troops which he had asked for. A company
of soldiers from Captain Walsh's Irish raiment was
detailed to accompany him, to deliver the land attacks.

The plans which Jones had proposed were so exten-
sive and so bold in character, and his record in the
execution of such services had been so brilliant, that
the minister was inclined to encourage him in every
poi^le manner. He even hinted that the Indien
might be spirited away from Holland, in spite of the
opposition of the Dutch, and given to Jones as the
flag-ship of his future squadron. The Prince of Nassau
also expressed the warmest desire to accompany Jones
on his^ daring expedition, and again proposed to join
Jones on board the Indien as a volunteer. These were
flattering prospects indeed, and Jones's hopes rose high.
The first plan decided between him and Sartine was
such as ''to astonish the world," being nothing less
than to invade En^and itself, to invest Liverpool, and
to lay the city under contribution. Every detail had
been perfected and nothing was wanting, as Jones
related, except the King's signature, when rumors of
the project became current and the minister thought it
prudent to abandon it.

^ alternate plan proposed by Jones was now
adopted, namely: to intercept the Baltic fleet, and it

SIMPSON 355

was decided to put this project into execution without
delay, owing to the private information which Jones
had received from England as to the imminent sailing
of the fleet and as to its probable route. The King
offered him the Epervier, then in readiness at L'Orient,
and the minister promised to give him two other
frigates with two cutters then l3dng at Saint Malo.

Fully confident that he was now about to be invested
with an adequate force, and desirous of fulfilling his
office as commander-in-chief with fitting dignity and
propriety, Jones now sought to engage a chaplain for
his squadron, and described the qualifications he de-
sired in a letter to his banker's son, Henry Grand,
written on the eve of his departure from Paris:

I should wish him to be a man of reading and let-
ters, who understands, speaks and writes the French
and English, with elegance and propriety. For poUti-
cal reasons it would be well if he were a cleigjonan of
the Protestant profession, whose sanctity of manners
and happy natm^ principles would diffuse unanimity
and cheerfulness throughout the ship, and if to these
essentials were added tibe talent of writing fast, and in
fair characters, such a man would necessarily be wor-
thy of the highest confidence, and might therefore
assure himself of a place at my table, the regulations of
which should be entirely under his direction.

A few days subsequent to this he wrote the first of
his letters to General Washington, indicating by this
act his realization that as commander of an important
squadron, awarded him by the allied power of France,
he was at last m a position where he might eommuni-

356 JOHN PAUL JONES

cate in tenns of compliment with the head of the
American forces:

Passt, near Paris, August Gth.
HoNOHED Sra: —

As the scene of War by Sea is now changing from
America to Europe, I have been induced to give up
the command of the American ship of war Ranger and
to continue for some time in Europe in compliance
with the request of the Minister of the French Marine,
in a letter to oiu* Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court
of Versailles.

I will not intrude upon yoiu* Excellencies' time even
by attempting to pay you the respect which you so
justly command. The intention of this letter is only
to b^ yoiu* acceptance of two Epaulettes with which it
is accompanied, and which my friend Mr. Williams of
Nantes has undertaken to forward — ^I expected to have
had the honor of delivering this little present into your
own hands, but not having that satisfaction if in the
meantime I can render you any acceptable services in
France I hope you will command me without reserve,
being with sentiments of perfect Esteem

Honor'd Sir

Yours &c.
His Excellency

Gen. Washmgton
Commander in chief of the American Army, at his
Headquarters.

Jones's agreeable sojourn in Paris was now about to

dose. He had been honored by the French Govem-

ment; he had successfully arranged for the sale of his |

prizes; he had settled, as he supposed, his difficulties

with Simpson and hia crew. During the two months )

I
I

SIMPSON 367

of his stay at Passy, he was first a dafly visitor and
afterward an honored guest in the house of the com-
missioners, where the beloved Franklin and his asso-
ciates lived in friendly and familiar intercourse with
the family of their generous host, M. de Ghaumont.

The ch&teau, then called the Hdtel de Ghaumont, was
of noble construction, castellated, vine-embowered, and
commanded a wide view of Paris and its surrounding
villages. From a great distance the six towers could
be seen upon their hill as one approached by a winding
road leading under a stone bridge, and thence through
a gate into the walled enclosure. Here Paul Jones and
Jonathan Williams, Franklin and Doctor Bancroft,
John Adams, Le Ray de Ghaumont, his wife and
daughter, and her two young brothers, must often have
met during those summer days in the garden which
spread between the ''petit hdteP' of the commissioners
and the ''grand hdtel" of their host, and these periods
of youthful ardor, of rising gloiy, of intimate associa-
tion with the friends of the new republic, must always
have remained in the memoiy of Paul Jones as one of
almost unalloyed delight and satisfaction. A gallant
figure himself, with his honors fresh upon him, he was
treated with distinction by the statesmen and soldiers
who gathered about Franklin in his retreat at Passy.^

^ Nathaniel Fanning, who was afterward distrngiushed for his intrepid
and most successful conduct of the battle from "the tops" in the
Bon Homme Richard engagement, has left an agreeable account of his
rec^tion by Franklin, at Passy, and a description of the mf^niffftn of
the commissioners.

''It was on the 20th day of July, 1783, at nigjit^ when I arrived at
the dty of Paris, and the next day I visited and paid my respects to
Dr. Fhmklin who then resided at a small village situated upon an emi-
nence between Paris and Versailles, which coomiands a prospect delist-

358 JOHN PAUL JONES

Franklin took pleasure in making him known to his
powerful friends, and took him to the hotel of the good
Due de la Rochefoucauld and recommended him to the
favor of the philanthropist and philosopher who then
dignified that historic name. M. de Chaumont and his
family were exceedingly attentive to the young Ameri-
can officer, and received him on terms of the greatest
intimacy, and Madame de Chaumont and her young
daughter conceived the warmest admiration for him.
Already known and cordially received by the Due
de Chartres upon the flag-ship of the French fleet at
Brest, Jones had been given letters by that attractive
and ill-starred prince of the Orleans family, which had
produced him an introduction to the Duchesse de Char-
tres and a favorable reception at the Palais Royal and

fully pleasing to the eye. This pleasant village is called Passy. Three
miles distant from Paris, and about six from Versailles. The building
in which the Doctor resides with his secretaries, is a noble piece of
modem architectiu^ large and conunodious, and adjoining vrtitdk is a
beautiful garden. From this village may be seen nearly the whole of
the city of Paris, and its suburbs, and nearly three hundred walled
towns, besides a great number of noblemens* yiUas, which have the
appearance of so many palaces and country seats scattered over the
country as far as you can extend the eye. Dr. Franklin received me
without any ceremony, but with the kindness of a parent, and in this
way he conducted himself toward all Americans, whom he was in the
habit of calling his children. I found in company with him the Marquis
de Lafayette and several oiher gentlemen, and as soon as th^ w^e
gone (which was in about a half an hour after my arrival) the Doctor
asked me to follow him into his study, and after being seated, he held a
long conversation with me upon different subjects, and when I was
about leaving him, he invited me to call and see him often and gave me
good advice relative to the conduct which I ought to observe while I
resided at Paris, and in the same familiar style as thou^ he had been
my father, and for which I shall always revere him as long as I live.
At this time Dr. FVanklin was hig^y esteoned not only by the French,
but by all the foreign ministers resident at the court of France^ and
his levee, for numbers and respectability, every day exceeded that of
the Count de Vergennes, the King's favorite^ and the American peoples'
friend."

SIMPSON 369

at Versailles. The extreme grace and amiability of the
Duchesse de Chartres, who was a daughter of the Due
de Penthidvre, and a princess of the royal house, never
failed to impress the most distant of her acquaintances.
By her beauty and el^ance and her exalted rank she
was the very '^ glass of fashion, and the mould of form/'
but she was far more remarkable for the ideal distinc-
tion of her character and the purity and gentleness of
her mind. At the time when Paul Jones was received
at the Palais Royal the well-known adoration of the
duchess for her husband was still imdimmed by either
his infidelities or his crimes. The afterward notorious
Philippe Egalit^ was still in the eyes of his brilliant
world a gallant prince and trusted servant of France.
He was at this moment in command of a portion of the
great French fleet of D'Orvilliers, then assembled at
Brest and about to engage England on the sea and
dispute her ancient sovereignty. As the bearer of let-
ters to the duchess from her husband, Paul Jones
could not fail of a condescending and amiable reception.
The duchess honored him and his friend Williams with
marked attention whenever the two young Americans
attended her levees, and intrusted Jones with letters
in reply to the duke when he finally departed for Brest.
All royalist sentiment was silenced in the chorus of
enthusiasm for the new republican ideas. The king's
hesitations were overcome, and Marie Antoinette, in a
hopeless minority, saw the policy of the cabinet prevail
over her protests.^

^Extract from the diary cxf Meroy Argenteau: ''The Bflent unready
Louis did not eaaUy discuss anything, Maurepas was therefore able to
continue his policy of fostering republican sentimentB, without any

360 JOHN PAUL JONES

A soldier of liberty himself, Paul Jones was exqui-
sitely flattered by the attentions of these liberty-loving
aristocrats of France, whose enthusiasms were so con-
sonant with his own. The gardener's son can scarcely
be censured for his delight in that unequalled society
of the eighteenth century, brought to the last point of
its perfection and still happily imconscious of its ap-
proaching fall.

It is significant to observe that, in the midst of the
pleasures and honors which he received, Jones's last
act hdore departing from Paris was to leave a for-
mal written request with the commissioners to fulfil
their promise of recommending the officers and crew of
the Ranger to the favor of Congress. This done, he
started for the sea-coast on the 7th, and after visiting
L'Orient to view the frigate Epervier^ which Sartine had
promised him as the flag-ship of his future squadron,
he reached Brest on the 10th of August, but was met
on the moment of his arrival with the most disappoint-
ing intelligence. His good old friend Coimt d'Orvfl-
liers, who ran to embrace him in his garden, when Jones,
as was his custom, sought him out upon his return,
informed him that he himself had given the Epervier
away to one of his own captains who had lately lost
his ship. Ck)unt d'OrviUiers informed him, also, with
reluctance, that orders had been issued by the minister
immediately after Jones's departure from Paris for the

queBtioD as to the ultimate end, from the sharp witted Imperialist Marie
Antoinette. Lafayette was in Paris, and Paul Jones the buccaneer, and
great swdling plans of an eaq>edition against En^^and were fermenting.
Paul Jones the Scottish corsair was bom at Sdkirk in 1736 and his
name spread terror in all the seaports of Great Britain and Ireland." .

SIMPSON 361

frigates at Saint Malo to sail at onoe on the errand
of intercepting the Baltic fleet.

An unwise decision this afterward proved, for the
French commanders, less accurately informed than
Jones as to the probable route of the Engh'sh ships,
failed to overtake them, and thus the favorite plan of
the commissioners failed of success. Jones now found
himself actually without a ship: the Ranger had been
given away to his disobedient first lieutenant, the
promised squadron of Sartine had sUpped away before
he had even had a sight of it, and he was forced again
to bear the heaviest disappointment at the very mo-
ment when his fond dream of an important command
seemed about to be realized.

From this time on until the spring of the following
year Jones was subjected to repeated postponement of
his hopes and condemned to the torture of inactivity.
The determining reasons for this, as in the case of
the surprising refusal of his bill by the commissioners,
were not primarily personal, but were the result of the
course of more important affairs pertaining to the war
which had now openly broken out between France
and England.

The brilliant action of the Belle Povle with the Eng-
lish Arelhitaa, in which the French ship had come off
triumphant, had aroused the greatest enthusiasm in
France and raised the hopes of the nation in the re-
habilitated navy. The English court, tardily awaken-
ing to the world-wide results which their oppression of
the American colonies was bringing upon them in an
almost universal European war, sou^t to ignore this

362 JOHN PAUL JONES

engagement and to excuse the depredations made by
their ships upon the commerce of France by various
temporizing pretences. The French court, however,
considered the withdrawal of the Engh'sh ambassador
from Paris and the message of George III to his Parlia-
ment resenting the insult of the treaty of alliance
between France and America to have definitely an-
nounced the belligerent attitude of En^and, and pro-
ceeded with all speed to prepare for war.

The almost complete destruction of the French naval
forces in the Seven Years' War had resulted in a deter-
mined demand from the entire !^Vench nation for the
restoration of the navy. Under Choiseul's direction
this policy had been b^un and most generously sub-
sidized by public and private contributions. A pro-
digious activity sprang up in the lately sQent ports,
and everywhere ships were building and repairing.
Under Sartine, who had been promoted to the post
of minister of marine as a result of his brilliant suc-
cess in reforming the police r^ulations of Paris, the
construction of new battle-^ps was actively pursued,
and when the war was finally b^un, at the battle off
Ushant, on July the 29th, 1778, the French force under
D'Orvilliers had thirty ships of the line to meet an
equal number imder Eeppel. This conflict, ill-managed
on both sides, was barren of results. No ships were
taken or destroyed, and both fleets, after a bloodless
engagement, returned intact to their respective ports.
The signals of Admiral Eeppel, who commanded the
English fleet, being disr^arded by Palliser, the plan
of the battle failed of execution, and Palliser later

SIMPSON 363

brought capital chai^ges against his superior officer.
Amid a storm of excitement and fury over the indeci-
sive engagement, the court-martial over Eeppel was
held; with the result that he was triumphantly ac-
quitted and restored to an ahnost imexampled popu-
larity, while Falliser, by a narrow vote, escaped with
his hf e at a similar trial, but not without the execra-
tion of the public. The Due de Chartres, who had also
disregarded the signals of his commanding officer, and
thus brou^t about the failure of Count d'OrviUiers^s
plan of the engagement, was bitterly criticised throu^-
out the kingdom^ and his name became a byword for

its futility, had just taken place, before Jones arrived
at Brest, and he f oimd his friend the Due de Chartres
in considerable distress of mind, and D'OrviUiers again
ready to sail and eager to retrieve the ill-success of the
first encounter with England.

D'Orvilliers realized that it would be exceedingly
difficult, now that war had actually b^un, for Sar-
tine to divert any considerable force from the French
officers who were now clamoring for ships. He there-
fore invited Jones with much cordiality to accompany
him on his next cruise on the Bretagm, his flag-ship,
and a request was forthwith despatched to Sartine
for the requisite permission. An unaccountable delay
and misapprehension occurred in this negotiation. The
minister sent the permission with Franklin^s concur-
rence, but it failed to arrive in time, and D'Orvilliers
saQed away without Jones, who was much chagrined
at this second disappointment. His natural irritation

364 JOHN PAUL JONES

at this enforced inaction was further increased by re-
ports emanating from the migratef ul Simpson to the
effect that Jones had been deprived of the command
of the Ranger by order of the commissioners. In this
situation he immediately took steps to convene a court-
martial for the purpose of bringing Simpson to trial,
and appealed for support and redress to the commis-
sioners. "I have been five days in this place," he
wrote on August the 15th, "since my retum from
Fassy, during which time I have neither seen nor heard
of Lieutenant Simpson; but Mr. Hill, who was last
winter at Fassy, and who sailed with us from Nantes,
informed me truly that it is generally reported in the
Ranger and of course throughout the French fleet, and
on shore, that I am turned out of the service; that you
gentlemen have given Mr. Simpson my place with a
Captain's conmiission, and that my letter to you was
involuntary on my part, and in obedience only to your
order, to avert dreadful consequences to myself. That
these reports prevail is not an idle grounded conjecture,
but a melancholy fact, therefore I beseech you, I con-
jure you, I demand of you to afford me redress by a
court martial, to form which we have, with the assist-
ance of Captain Hinman, a sufficient number of officers
in France, exclusive of myself. The Providence and
Boston are expected here veiy soon, and I am certain
that they neither can nor will depart again before my
friend Captain Hinman can come down here, and it is
his imquestioned right to succeed me in the command
of the Ranger J^
The commissioners replied to this appeal by retum

SIMPSON 365

post, authorizing Jones to call a court-martial in case
sufficient officers could be procured, but directed that
no change should be contemplated in the command of
the Ranger. Jones soon discovered that he was mis-
taken in believing that a requisite number of officers
could be found to form the court. On the 18th he
wrote a peremptory command to Captain Whipple of
the Providence, who was then in the port of Brest, to
immediately summon the court-martial on board his
ship; but Whipple replied, after due consideration,
that, as Captain Hinman refused to serve smce he was
expected to face a court-martial himself on his return
to America, it was impossible to convene the court.
He also advanced other reasons for his disapprobation
of the court-martial, saying that, as Jones had actually
given up Simpson's parole, he believed that Simpson
was no longer subject to a trial, and that he, Whipple,
had been informed that the commissioners held the
same opinion. Jones, with natural irritation, took
occasion to remind Whipple of his testimony in his
favor when Whipple was tried for cowardice in the
affair of the Glasgow. Whipple then hastened to re-
move himself and the ship imder his command to Cam-
meret, and thence to sea.

Jones now penned an exceedin^y elaborate account
of his troubles with Simpson, from the beginning of his
service on the Ranger, and sent it off to the commis-
sioners. He recoimted his many acts of conciliation,
his patience and forbearance with this hopelessly recal-
citrant and inefficient officer, and then he abandoned
all f iui;her thought of redress^ and dismissed the matter

366 JOHN PAUL JONES

from his mind. At a later date the oomnusBionerB
wrote a formal letter to Jones, dearing him from Simp-
son's insmuations and false representations.

Passt, February 10, 1779.
Sra^-

As your separation from the Ranger and the appoint-
ment of Lieutenant Simpson to the command of her
will be liable to misinterpretations by persons who are
unacquainted with the real cause of those facts, we
hereby certify that your leaving the Ranger was by
our consent, at the express request of his ExceUency
Monsieur de Sartine, who informed us that he had
occasion to employ you in some public service; that
Lieutenant Simpson was appointed to the command of
the Ranger with your consent, after having consented to
release him from an arrest under which you had put him.

That your leaving the Ranger, in our opinion, ought
not, and cannot be an injury to yoiu* rank or character
in the service of the United States; and that your com-
mission in their navy continues in full force.

We have the honor to be, etc.

B. Franklin
John Adaiis.

A few days after Whipple's departure the Ranger also
sailed away, her crew refusing, as usual, to obey orders,
and casting Jones's effects ashore to lie broken in the
dust, as a last compliment to their captain who had led
them to victory and recommended tiiem to the favor
of Congress.

An indignant letter from Jonathan Williams, written
a few days after Simpson's departure, expressed great
r^p^t that he should have influenced Jones to give up

SIMPSON 367

Simpson^B parole, as well as his chagrin that Simpson
had gotten away brfore he, Williams, could have had
the opportunity of facing him with his own letter ac-
knowledging his gratitude to Jones for his favorable
recommendations to the commissioners. Simpson had
openly denied having made use of any such expression
to Williams. The duplicity of character thus indicated
amply justified Jones's ill-opinion of his insubordinate
and ungrateful officer, and further evidence of the
justness of this opinion was afterward supplied by
Simpson's later record. He was relieved from his com-
mand soon after his return to America, and never after-
ward employed in the United States navy. The venial-
minded crew of the Ranger also fully justified the
opinion their too enterprising captain had formed of
them, for without exception they all abandoned the
service of the government and adopted the more lucra-
tive occupation of privateering immediately upon their
return to Portsmouth.

A cooler-headed and less ardently ambitious officer
than Paul Jones might easily have yielded to irritation
if hampered with such rank insubordination and small-
mindedness, and insubordination was not the only
difficulty with which he was forced to deal. The
ignorance, carelessness, and malicious jealousy of other
American officers in Europe likewise tormented him.
Captain Whipple permitted the escape of several of
Jones's prisoners and released others on parole without
his knowledge, and to his horror and dismay Jones
learned by a chance meeting with a French officer that
the guard of French soldiere which D'OrvillierB had

368 JOHN PAUL JONES

generously placed over them had been removedi and
that they mi^t all escape at any moment. He wrote
in frantic haste to the conmiissioners, but wisety re-
frained from waiting for their reply, and secured an-
other guard from the French intendant of the marine
at Brest. The Ranger^s prize, the Lord Chatham^ was
sold without his knowlec^, and the Drake plundered
with impimity. He commented with his usual force
upon these outrages in letters to his friends, but was
not distracted from the one burning preoccupation of
his days and sleepless nights, which was to force the
French minister to fulfil his promise to give him an-
other conmiand.

CHAPTER XIII

WATTING FOR A COMIifAND

In the voluminous correspondence which belongs to the
five months which followed Paul Jones's departure
from Paris his biographer is furnished with an almost
daily record of his days and a clear and intimate
picture of his mind and character. That inflexible de-
termination to succeed in spite of eveiy obstacle which
had won him every advancement in his career is here
most vividly disclosed.

The letters which he sent out to every important
individual of his acquaintance grew from dignified
remonstrance into agonized appeals for release from
his intolerable situation. Inaction was literally de-
structive to him, and the prolonged torture had a most
acute effect upon his healtL Once more he was called
upon to experience the plimge from high hopes to un-
merited misfortune which was so singular a part of
his remarkable life. The bearer of the new flag of
freedom, the valorous captor of the Drake, who in
former times had found Brest a port of pleasure, where
he had dined familiarly with titled oflicers of rank and
had been the imiversal object of praise, now found him-
self alone, except for Lieutenant Amid, who, as he
expressed it, ''had exercised patience with him for four
months in this detested spot, without society or hos-
pitality.'' Keenly conscious of his inability to dispel
the prevalent impression that he had offended the

370 JOHN PAUL JONES

commissioiiers and was an officer in disgrace, he was
reluctant to walk abroad. Under these circumstances
he became, as was his custom during his periods of
inactivity, reserved and silent, ''taciturn," as the un-
hicky companion of his misfortunes complained in let-
ters to his wife. So the Chase narrative describes him
when tortured by his longing for action, and so AndrS,
his last companion and secretary, related that he had
again become during the closmg days of his life.

On taking leave of Franklin in Paris he had received
permission to write to him frequently, and the promise
of prompt repUes; but, fearing to be troublesome to his
venerable friend, he wrote long letters to Doctor Ban-
croft, relying on him to present his case to Franklin
and to M. de Chaumont. On the 24th of August he
wrote to Bancroft, sajring that a French frigate, the
Renommie, was still without a commander, and begging
him to ask M. de Chaumont to procure it from Sartine.
On the same day he wrote briefly to Franklin, ur^bg
that at ''this nice moment he should either be in search
of marine knowledge, or of honor in some private enter-
prise.'' In this very restrained and respectful letter he
enclosed another which he had prepared for the Prince
of Nassau, with whom he had expected to be associated
in the cruise with his vanished squadron, for his inspec-
tion and approval:

Bbest, August 24, 1778.
My Prince: —

The Honor which you propose to do me by accom-
panying me on the Ocean fills my heart with the
warmest Sentiments of Gratitude.

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 371

When your intentions were communicated to me I
had under my Command a Ship bound in company
witJi two fine Frigates for Ameri^ where there is now
two new Ships of 80 Guns each and 8 Frigates of 40
Guns each nearly ready for Sea.

On my arrival there from the former confidence of
CJongress I had assurance of an immediate removal into
one of their best ships and to have been Appointed to
Command the first Squadron which they tJiought fit
to destine for any private Expedition — ^Before I came
to Europe I had been honored with several such Ap-
pointments— and I had Assurance that when America
saw fit to appoint Admirals, my name should be
Numerated. —

These my Prince were flattering prospects to a man
who drew his sword only from Pnnciples of Philan-
throphy, in Support of the Dignity of Human Nature. —
And these are ^e prospects which I have Voluntarily
laid aside that I may pursue Glory in your Company.

Suffer me not therefore I beseech you to continue
longer in this shameful inactivity — such dishonor is
worse to me than a thousand deaths. — ^I have already
lost that Golden Season the Simmier which in War is
of more value than all the Rest of the Year — ^I appear
here as a Person cast off and useless and when any
person asks me what I purpose to do, I am unable to
Answer.

Had this been my first or second disappointment I
should have said nothing concerning it — ^but after vari-
ous other objects had miscarried before I left Passy,
which M. de Sartine had thou^t of to keep me
employed until the scheme wherein you were con-
cerned could take place — ^I was ordered down here at
so short a notice that I had not time before my de-
parting to take leave of you; yet on my arrival here I
found that what had b^n proposed for me was be-

372 JOHN PAUL JONES

stowed on others. — ^I then o£Fered to follow Count
D'Orvilliers as a Volunteer agreeable to his kind invita-
tion— ^but Mons. De la Prevalaye will not even permit
me to do this, it not being mentioned in his Orders.—

I have my Prince been unaccustomed to ask any
favors even from CJongress — ^for I am not in pursuit of
Interest — Yet let me beseech you to represent my
Situation to the best of Kings — ^that I may with you
be forthwith enabled to pursue Glory and to humble
the CJommon Enemies of Humanity.

If the Ship that was at first proposed cannot with
certainty be got to Sea next month you, my Prince, can
obtain another with the Epervier and Alert tenders —
There is a fine Frigate at L'Orient built on the same
construction with the Ship at first proposed and
mounted with eighteen pounders — ^this Ship has been
at India, is known to sail fast and might perhaps be
obtained 'till it is seen whether the other can be got
out. —

If this Ship is refused there are many other fine
Frigates newly built at St. Male's and other places to
which I hear of no CJommanders being appointed — ^I
have the greatest dependence on the generous inten-
tions of that great Minister Monseig'r de Sartine, but I
cannot every day intrude on him with letters and in
the Multiplicity and importance of his Affairs— my
Concerns may escape his Memory. —

I wish for the honor of a letter from your hand —
tho' I cannot write to you in French yet I understand
letters that are written on that Language — and I have
now with me a Lieutenant who speaks it well. —

I am with Sentiments of real Esteem and Reispect

My Prince,
Yours &c.
His Highness

The Prince de Nassau

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 373

A week later, without news from any qiiarter, he
wrote again to the prince and to Bancroft, sajring that
he was "to the last degree unhappy." The Prince of
Nassau never replied to Jones's appeal, but after a few
days a friendly letter arrived from Franklin, explaining
that Bancroft's silence was due to illness, and exhorting
him to have patience. By the 11th of September he
had become very impatient and wrote to his friend
Williams a free expression of his feelings, saying that
if the next post brought him nothing definite he
would tell the dilatory minister "a round unvarnished
tale.'' This with his characteristic directness he pro-
ceeded to do in the following explicit presentation of
his situation:

Bbbst, IZlk Sefptmber 1778.
HoNOBED Sib: —

When his Excellency Doctor Franklin first informed
me that You had condescended to think me worthy of
your Notice, I took such pleasure in reflecting on the
happy Alliance between France and America that I
was really flattered, and entertained the most Grateful
sense of the Honor which you proposed for me, as well
as of the favor which the Kmg proposed for America;
by putting so fine a Ship of War as the /ndien under my
command and under its Flag with unlimited Orders. —

In obedience to your desire I came to Versailles, and
was taught to beheve that my intended Ship was in
Deep Water and ready for the Sea. — ^But when the
Prince returned, I received from him a different ac-
count; I was told that the Indien could not be got
afloat within a shorter period than three months, at
the first approaching Equinox. —

To employ this interval usefully, I first offered to go

374 JOHN PAUL JONES

from Brest with Count D'OrvilKers as a volunteer —
which you thought fit to reject — ^I had then the satis-
faction to find that You approved in general of a
variety of hints for private enterprises which I had
drawn up for your CJonsideration; and I was flattered
with assurances from Messrs. de Chaumont and Bau-
douine that three of the finest Frigates in France with
two Tenders and a number of Troops should be imme-
diately put under my Command, and that I should
have unlimited Orders and be at the liberty to pursue
such of my own projects as I thought proper. — ^But
this plan fell to nothing in the moment when I was
taught to think that nothing was wanting but the
King's signature. —

Another much inferior Armament from UOrient was
proposed to be put under my command, which was by
no means equal to the Services that were expected
from it; for Speed and Force, though both requisite,
were both wanting; — ^Eb^ppily for me this also faUed —
and I was thereby saved from a dreadful prospect of
Ruin and Dishonor.

I had so entire a reliance that You would desire
nothing of me inconsistent with my honor and rank,
that the moment you required me to come down here
in Order to proceed round to St. Malo; — ^tho' I had
received no written orders, and neither know Your
intention respecting my destination or Ck)mmand; I
obeyed with such haste that altho' my curiosity led
me to look at the Armament at L'orient; Yet I was
but three days from Passy 'till I reached Brest. — ^Here
too I drew a blank. —

But when I saw the Ldvdy it was no disappointment;
as that Ship both in sailing and equipment is far inferior
to the Ranger. —

My only disappointment here was my being pre-
eluded from Embarking in pursuit of Marine Enowl-

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 375

edge with Count D'Orvilliers; who did not sail till seven
days after my return. — ^He is my friend, and often ex-
pressed his wish for my Company. — ^I accompanied
him out of the Road when the Fleet sailed; and he
always lamented that neither himself nor any person
in Authority in Brest had received from you any Order
that mentioned my Name; — ^I am astonished therefore
to be informed that you attributed my not being in the
Fleet to my stay at L'Orient.

I am not a mere adventurer of fortune. — Stimulated
by Principles of Reason and Philanthropy, I laid aside
my enjojonents in private life, and embarked under the
Flag of America when it was first displayed. — ^In that
line my desire of Fame is Infinite; and I must not now
so far forget my Honor and what I owe to my friends
and America as to remain inactive.

My Rank knows no superior in the American Marine ;
I have long since been appointed to Command an ex-
pedition with five of its Ships; and I can receive orders
from no Junior or Inferior Officer whatever.

I have been here in the most tormenting Suspaise
for more than a month since my return — and agree-
able to your desire as mentioned to me by Monsieur
de Chaumont a Lieutenant has been appointed and
is with me, who speaks the French as well as the
English.

Circular letters have been written and sent the 8th of
last month from the English Admiralty — ^because they
expected me to pay another visit with four Ships —
Therefore I trust that if the Indien is not to be got out,
you will not at the approaching Season substitute a
Force that is not at least equal both in Strength and
Sailing to any of the Enemies Cruising Ships.

I do not wish to interfere with the Harmony of the
French Marine, but if I am still thought worthy of
your Attention, I shall hope for a separate Command

376 JOHN PAUL JONES

with liberal Orders. — ^If on the CJontrary You should
have no further occasion for my Services; the only
favor I can ask is that You will give me the Alert with
a few Seamen, and permit me to retum and cany with
me your good opinion in that small vessel before the
Winter to America. —

I am happy to hear that the Frigates from St. Malo
have been successful near SheUand. — ^Had Coimt
D^Bstaign arrived in the Delaware a few days sooner,
he must have made a most Glorious and ea^ Conquest.
Many other successful projects may be adopted from
the Hints which I had the honor to draw up; and if I
can still f lunish, or execute any of those already fur-
nished so as to distress and humble the Common ^emy
it will afford me the truest Satisfaction.

I am ambitious to merit the Honor of your Friend-
ship and favor; and being fully persuaded that I now
address a noble-minded man who will not be offended
with the Honest Freedom which has alwa3rs marked
my Correspondence — ^I am with great Esteem and
profound Respect,

Honored Sir,
Yours &c.

Monseigneur De Sartine.

This letter he also submitted to Franklin, promising
still to have patience and to do nothing without his
knowledge and advice. To M. de Chaumont he de-
clared in a letter of the 16th that he '^would not wish
his worst enemy to be in his situation." The French
fleet now retumed to Brest, bringing in the Fax, an
English frigate of twenty-four guns, once the prize of
the American ships Hancock and Boston. Although a
far more modest command than the squadron which

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 377

had previously been promised \nm, Jones knew that the
Fox was a fast sailer and immediately asked Franklin
to procure her for him, with the Alert as tender, and a
day or two afterward wrote also to the Due de Chartres,
who had returned to Paris, begging him to use his influ-
ence in his behalf.

A letter from Doctor Bancroft, who had persuaded
M. de Chaumont to interview Sartine in r^ard to
Jones's affairs, announced that the minister had
promised to give him the Fox^ but this welcome news
was soon contradicted by the intelligence that the
minister had broken his promise to Jones, and had
given the frigate away to a French lieutenant. Con-
scious of the wrong he had inflicted upon Jones in
giving preference to the French officer, M. de Sartine
now became very desirous of getting rid of him, and
wrote to D'Orvilliers that it was his intention to send
the importunate American officer home in a ''bonne
voiture " — an easy coach. Justly indignant, Jones now
took occasion to express his opinion of the minister in a
quarter where it might prove effective. The Due de la
Rochefoucauld, during a recent stay at Brest, had
given a Gfsrmpathetic hearing to Jones's complaints,
and to him he now directed a letter which has been
criticised as indiscreet, but which expresses very for-
cibly his just contempt for M. de Sartine's methods.
Paul Jones never stooped to employ any of the arts
of the courtier to king or minister, but boldly demanded
his rights with a freedom and democratic indepen-
dence worthy of the cause which he had so ardently
adopted:

378 JOHN PAUL JONES

Bbest 9^ Odo. 1778.
HoNOBED Sir:

The 21st Ult. I wrote a particular Account of my
edtuation here to his Royal Highness the Due de
Chartres. — ^But that brave prince has himself I under-
stand met with unmerited trouble and of course has
not yet had leisure to remove my suspense. —

The Minister's behavior towards me has been and is
really Astonishing. —

At his request (for I sought not the CJonnection) I
gave up absolute Certainties and far more flattering
prospects than any of those which he proposed. — ^What
inducement could I have for this but Gratitude to
Prance for having first recognized our Independence? —

And having given my word to stay for some time in
Europe, I have been, and am unwilling to take it back
— ^Especially after having Communicated the Circum-
stances to Congress. —

The Minister to my infinite mortification — after pos-
sessing himself of my schemes and ideas has treated me
like a Child five times successively, by leading me on
from great to little and from little to less. — Does such
conduct do Honor either to his Head or to his Heart? —

He hafi not to this moment offered me the least
apology for any of these five deceptions — nor has he, I
believe, assigned any good reason to that venerable
and great character IBs Excellency Doctor Franklin
whom he has made the instrument to entrap me in
this cruel state of Inaction and Suspense. —

The Minister has lately written a letter to Count
D'Orvilliers proposing to send me home in "Une bonne
voiture.^'— This is absolutely adding Insult to Injury —
and it is the proposition of a Man whose veracity I
have not experienced in former cases. —

I could in the summer with the Ranger joined by the
two other American Frigates have given the Enemy

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 379

sufficient foundation for their Fears in Britain as well
as in Ireland. — ^And I could since have been assisting
Count D'Estaing or acting separately with an American
Squadron. Instead of this I am chained down to a
shameful inactivity here after having written to Con-
gress to reserve no Command for me in America. —

Convinced as I am that your Noble and generous
breast will feel for my unmerited treatment I must
beseech you to interest yourself with the Due de
Chartres— that the King may be made acquamted with
my Situation. —

I have been taught to believe that I have been de-
tained in France with his Majesty's knowledge and
approbation — and I am sure he is too good a prince to
detain me for my hurt or dishonor. M. de Sartine may
think as he pleases— but Congress will not thank him
for having thus treated an Officer who has always
been honored with their Favor and Friendship. —

I entertained some hopes of his honorable intentions
'till he gave the conmiand of the Fox to a Lieutenant
after my friends had asked for me only that Ship with
the Alertf Cutter. — ^He was the asker at the be^miing
and ought to be so now — ^He has to my certain knowl-
edge^ Ships unbestowed — ^And he is bound in honor to
give me the Indien as he proposed at the first, — or an
equivalent connnand immediately, — ^I should very
much esteem the honor of a line from Yoiu* hand and
shaU always be happy in Opportunities to merit your
Favor and Friendship — being with profound Esteem
and Respect,

Honored Sir
Yours &c.

John Paul Jonbs.
Monseig. Le Due De Rochefoucauld.

^'I am not ill pleased/' he wrote to Williams, who
had commented not unnaturally upon the courage of

380 JOHN PAUL JONES

Jones's attitude toward the minister, '^ that you discover
a species of inflexibility in my nature which will not
suffer me to kneel at the feet of haughty power, or to
stoop where I cannot esteem. I know that this tiun
of mind is hi^y xmf avorable to any who would obtain
court favor, or promotion in Europe, yet I find no
inclination to alter my disposition, and tho' in my life
I have met with some severe trials, if I cannot rise by
even and direct methods, I will not rise at all/'

His friends at Passy were scarcdy 1688 indignant than
Jones himself over the bad faith of the French minister,
and Bancroft wrote him on the 10th of October that
he had himself gone to the Chevalier Baudouine to make
''one more strong and final representation of your
business,'' and that Baudouine had said that Sartine was
ashamed, and felt the justice of Jones's complaints, and
that he had good intentions, but had been prevented
from carrying them out by the intrigues of the French
marine officers, who were demanding ships and oppos-
ing the assignment of any except to their own num-
ber, but that he would soon provide him with a ship,
even if he were obliged to purchase it.

Bancroft wrote also that, if nothing were done,
Franklin would in a few days declare his utmost resent-
ment, but advised Jones to have patience a little while
longer. Franklin's grandson and secretary, William
Temple Franklin, wrote also very £(3rmpathetically of
the indignation of his friends at the treatment he had
received. "Ce brave capitaine Jones, que fait il?"
wafi the question which he declared that he heard daily
from many inquirers.

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 381

Jones now received a letter from M. de Chaumont;
in which his friend informed him that he also had
visited Versailles to m^e the minister to give him a
shipi and that Sartine had sworn '^by the Stjrx'' that
he would surely give him one; m the meantime he,
M. de Chaumont, offered him the command of a priva-
teer owned and fitted out by himself for private enter-
prises, but to this offer Jones replied with pride that,
''as a servant of the Imperial Republic of America,
honored with the friendship and favor of CJongress he
could not on his own authority or inclination serve
either himself or even his best friend in any private line
whatsoever, unless either the honor or interest of
America is the premier object/' He declared that he
had believed the minister in the beginning, but now,
as he had led him on from one fair promise to another,
he doubted him, and wished Sartine to know that
he had lost all confidence in his engagements. ''Tho'
he 'swears even by the Styx' I will accept nothing
now/' he announced, from the height of his just indig-
nation, " which sails slow or is of trifling force, and shall
expect a yes, or no, to this immediately."

On the same day, in a cipher letter to his friend
Williams, Jones, now at white heat, declared that "by
earth, air, and sea, Sartine must make direct satisfac-
tion to his sacred honor, which he has dared to violate,
and that he had now determined to appeal from the
minister to the King."

The presentation of his situation which Jones now
drew up for Louis XVI is not only an admirable example
of that terse and lucid English which was at his com-

382 JOHN PAUL JONES

mand; but an instance, possibly the most notable, of
the courage and superb self-confidence which were the
principal elements of his greatiiess. His request to the
Duchesse de Chartres to present his letter in person to
the King partook of the same courage, not to say
aplomb, with which he had directed his appeal over the
head of the minister to the King himself. The brief
letter to the duchess as well as that to the King have
been published in French by a recent biographer of
Jones,^ with the statement that the duchess obeyed his
behest and that, in consequence of her personal inter-
view with the King, the Bon Homme Richard was placed
finally at Jones's disposition.

The letters were not written in French, for, accord-
ing to repeated statements in his letters to the Prince
of Nassau and the Due de Chartres, he was unable at
this time to write the language, nor in all probability
were they ever seen by either the duchess or the
King; for before they arrived in Paris, sent first, ac-
confing to Jones's invariable custom, to Doctor Frank-
lin, M. de Sartine had himself sent a formal promise to
the commissioners to give Jones a ship. It was there-
fore Franklin's opinion that there was no longer any
necessity for Jones to send them, and that an expres-
sion of lack of confidence in the minister in the face of
his written promise to carry out his engagement with
Jones would be unwise. Jones acquiesced in this de-
cision, although with some reluctance, and the letters
never left the hands of Franklin. They are, however,
too expressive of his feelings at this crisis to be omitted:

>A.CBudl

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 383

Brest, Od. 1778.
Madame:—

The business which brought me from Brest to Paris
last Summer, when I had tiie honor and happiness of
pajdng my respects to your Royal Highness afforded
me a very fair prospect of being able immediately to
pay a much more successful visit to the enemies' coast
than that from which I was then returned. —

I appeared at Versailles by the particular desire of
M. de Sartine — ^who in consequence of the high Opinion
which he professed to have of my Conduct and Bravery
voluntarily proposed (as I imderstood with the consent
and approbation of his Majesty) to bestow on me a
very Honorable Command; he having written a letter
to tiieir '^ Excellencies the American Plenipotentiaries''
requesting as a favor that I might be permitted to
remain in Europe.

I had the honor to furnish the Minister with a num-
ber of plans which he approved for Secret Expeditions,
but tho' various Armaments have been proposed to be
put xmder my command to pursue my own projects —
Yet eveiy one of these Armaments have fallen to noth-
ing—some of them even in the Moment when I was
taught to believe that the King's signature alone was
wanting. —

Thus have I been trifled with for nearly five months.
The best season of the year and such opportunities of
serving my Coimtiy and acquiring Honor as I cannot
again expect in the course of this War are lost. —

I have written to the Congress to reserve no Com-
mand for me in America — ^And to my inexpressible
mortification having no Command here, I am con-
sidered everywhere as an Officer in Disgrace. —

Yet the Minister has made no apology for all this
either to myself who did not seek after the connection
or to his Excellency Doctor Franklin. —

384 JOHN PAUL JONES

I am not an Adventurer in search of Fortune, on the
contrary I laid aside my en]0}mients in Private life
and drew my Sword at the Commencement of this War
only in support of the Dignity and Violated Rights of
Htunan Nature. —

Honored as I am with the favor and friendship of
the Congress both my Honor and my Duty prompt
me to steadfastly persevere; 'till I see those Rights
Established; — or lose my life in the Righteous pursuit. —

But as I see no prospect of being soon reUeved from
this Unworthy Situation I have written the within let-
ter to his Majesty which I must beseech your Royal
Highness to present— you will thereby add a Singidar
Objection to what I already owe to your former Con-
descending Attention. —

I should be supremely happy to succeed thro' the
influence of so Amiable a Princess and so powerful an
Advocate — ^whom I perfectly esteem and respect. —

Being truly and always in the Artless sincerity of my
Heart;

Madam Your Royal Highness,

Very Obliged Ac.
Madame la Duchesse de Chartres.

Brest, October 19th, 1778.
Sere:

After my retmn to Brest in the American Ship of
War the Ranger, from the Irish Channel, — ^His Excel-
lency Doctor Franklin, did me the Honor to inform me
by a letter dated the 1st of June— That M. de Sartine
having an High Opinion of my Conduct and Bravery,
had determined with your Majesty's consent and ap-
probation to give me the Command of the Ship of War
the Indien; which was built at Amsterdam but after-
wards for poUtical reasons made the property of France.
— ^I was to act with unlimited orders under the Com-

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 385

mission and Flag of America^ and the Prince de Nassau
proposed to accompany me on the Ocean. —

I was deeply penetrated with a sense of the Honor
done me by this generous proposition^ as well as of the
favor which your Majesty intended thereby to confer
on America^ — ^And I accepted the offer with the greater
pleasure as the C!ongre8S had sent me to Europe in tiie
Ranger to Command the Indien, before the property
of that ship was changed.

The Minister desured to see me at Versailles to settle
future plans of Operation;— and I attended him for
that purpose — ^I was told that the Indien was at the
Texel completely Armed and fitted for the Sea. — ^But
the Prince de Nassau was sent express to HoUand and
retumed with a very different account. He reported
that the Indien was at Amsterdam and could not be
got afloat or Armed before the September Equinox. —

The American Plenipotentiaries proposed that I
should return to America, and as I have been appointed
of tener than once to the Chief Command of an Ameri-
can Squadron to execute Secret Enterprizes, it was not
doubted but that Congress would again show me
preference. —

M. de Sartine however thought proper to prevent my
Departure by writing a letter without my knowledge
to the American Plenipotentiaries, requesting as a
favor that I might be permitted to remain in Europe,
and that the Ranger might be sent back to America
under another Commander;— He having special ser-
vice which he wished me to execute.

This request they readily granted— And I was flat-
tered by the prospect of bemg enabled to testify by my
services, my gratitude to Your Majesty, as the first
Prince who has so generously acknowledged our
Independence. —

There was an interval of more than three months

386 JOHN PAUL JONES

before the Indien was expected to be afloat. — To em-
ploy that period usefully, when your Majesty's Fleet
was first Ordered to sail from Brest; — ^I proposed to
the Minister to embark in it as a Volunteer in pursuit
of Marine knowledge. — The Minister thought fit to
reject that offer — ^but I had at the same time the Sat-
isfaction to find that he entirely approved of a variety
of Hints for private Enterprizes which I had drawn up
for his consideration.—

Two gentlemen were appointed to settle with me the
plans that were to be adopted — ^who gave me assurance
that three of the best Frigates in France with two
tenders and a niunber of troops should be immediately
put imder my Command, to piuBue such of my own
projects as I tho't proper, — ^but this fell to nothing in
the Moment when I was taught to believe that yoiu*
Majesty's signature alone was wanting. —

Another Armament composed of Cutters and small
vessels at L'Orient was proposed to be put imder my
Conmiand to Alarm the Coasts of England and check
the Jersey Privateers — ^But happily for me, this also
failed; and I was thereby saved from impending ruin
and Dishonor. For as I now find each of the vessels
sail slow, and their United Force is very insignificant. —

The Minister then thought fit that I should return
to Brest to Conmiand the Lively^ and join some Frigates
on an Expedition from St. Malo to the North Sea. —

I returned here with express haste for that purpose;
but f oimd that the Livdy had been bestowed at Brest
before the Minister mentioned that ship to me at
Versailles. —

This was, however, another fortimate disappoint-
ment as the Livdy proves both in sailing and equip-
ment much inferior to the Ranger. —

But more especially if it be true, as I have since
understood, that it was the Minister's intention to give

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 387

fhe Chief Command of the Expedition to a Lieutenant,
which had I been concerned in it would have occa-
sioned a very disagreeable Misunderstanding. —

For as an officer of the jGrst Rank in the American
Marine, who has always been honored with the Favor
and Friendship of the Congress; I can receive Orders
from no Inferior Officer whatsoever. —

My plan was the destruction of the English Baltic
Fleet of great consequence to the Enemies Marine, and
then only protected by one Frigate, and I would have
held myself responsible for its success had I conunanded
the E^qpedition. —

M. de Sartine afterwards sent orders to General
D'Orvilliers to receive me on board the Fleet agreeable
to my former proposal, but the orders did not appear
imtil after the departure of the Fleet the last time from
Brest, nor was I made acquainted with the Circum-
stances before the Fleet returned here. —

Thus have I been chained down to a Shameful Inac-
tivity for the space of near Five Months. — ^I have lost
the best season of the Year; and such opportunities of
serving my Countiy and acquiring Honor as I cannot
again expect in the course of tl^ War; and to my
i^Snite Mortification having no conmiand, I am con-
sidered everywhere as an Officer cast off and in Dis-
grace for Secret Reasons. —

I have written respectful letters to the Minister —
none of which he has condescended to answer. I have
written to the Prince de Nassau with as little effect. —
And I do not understand that any Apology has been
made even to that great and venerable Character his
Excdlency Doctor Franklin; whom the Minister has
made l^e instrument of bringing me into such unmerited
trouble. —

Having written to the Congress to reserve no Com-
mand for me in America, my sensibility is the more

388 JOHN PAUL JONES

affected by this Unworthy Situation^ — ^in the sight of
your Majesties Fleet, — ^I however make no remark on
the treatment which I have received. —

Though I wish not to become my own pan^yrist;
Yet I must b^ your Majesties permission to observe
that I am not an Adventurer in search of Fortune^ of
which I thank God I inherit a Sufficiracy. —

When the American Banners were first displayed, I
drew my Sword in Support of the Violated Dignity and
the Bi^ts of Htunan Nature, — and both Honor and
duty prompt me to steadfastly continue the Righteous
pursuit, and to sacrifice to it not only my private enjoy-
ments but even my life if necessary.

I must acknowledge that the generous praise which I
have received from Congress and others exceeds the
merit of my past services, and therefore I the more
ardently wish for future opportunities of testifying my
gratitude by my activity. —

As your Majesty by espousing the cause of America
hath become 'Hhe protector of the Rights of Htunan
Nature'^ I am persuaded that you will not disregard
my Situation nor Suffer me to remain any longer in this
insupportable Disgrace. —

I am with perfect Gratitude and profound Respect,

Sire,

Your Majesties
Very Obliged
Very Obedi^t

and very humble Servt. —

His Most Christian Majesty —

Louis King of France & Navarre. —

Brought to a realizing sense that Jones was too highly
regarded by the representatives of the American Gov-
ernment to be ignominiously sent home, and further

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 389

influenced by the Due de la Rochef oucauld^ who^ with
his well-known benevolence^ had used the power of his
great position with the minister in obedience to Jones's
request; the minister assured the due that he entertained
the highest opinion of Jones. Abandoning at once his
resentment against the minister, on the intelligence of
the latter's appreciation, Jones wrote to M. de Chau-
mont that '^his best respects and most grateful thanks
awaited the minister, for the honorable things he had
said of him to the Due de la Rochefoucauld, and that
it would be his ambition to merit his favor and af-
fection."

It was well that Jones's sufferings were allayed tem^
porarily by these fair words, for many weeks and even
months were to elapse before the promises were re-
deemed. Dining the month of November he was in
receipt of various conmiimications from the different
Continental agents at the various seaports in r^ard
to available ships, and he attempted to b^uile the
ennui of his suspense by sending accounts of his situa-
tion to his friends Morris and Hewes, whose rapturous
praises of his conduct of the Ranger cruise had been
repeated to him by his fellow-officer C^^tain Bell, who
had just arrived at L'Orient, and who had seen Morris
at Philadelphia and Hewes at Edenton. Captain Bell
reported that various 'Northward" officers had stated
that Simpson had superseded him in the command of
the Ranger J but that '^ The Public to the southward think
you the finest fellow bdonging to America.'' To this
comforting letter Jones replied that his account of the
particular affection of Mr. Morris and Mr. Hewes af-

390 JOHN PAUL JONES

forded him the truest pleasure^ that he would rather
have the esteem and friendship of a few such men
than the empty applause of miUions; yet he confessed
that his vanity was justly flattered by the account of
the generous approbation of his past services. To that
generous pubUc he declared: "I pledge m3rself that it
shall be my first care and my heart's supremest wish to
merit the continuance of its approbation, by my future
services and constant readiness to support the honor
of freedom's flag."

To his friend Captain McNeill, who had been un-
justly suspended from his command, he wrote with
great sympathy, as to one who had also fallen among
thieves, and expressed his sincerest thanks for his good
opinion, saying modestly that in spite of his troubles
he believed ''no man ever received so much praise for a
little service in Eiurope as himself."

Six long weeks had now dragged by since Jones had
had the minister's definite promise to give him a ship,
and at last he received orders from M. de Chaumont
directing him to inspect some insignificant sloops at
Brest, with a view to their purchase. Jones reported
them as utterly unfit for his purpose, saying that ''he
wished to have no connection with any eMps which do
not sail fast, as I intend to go in harm's way." He
had been fearful that the Indien would be given away
to some French officer, and thanked M. de Chaumont
for his assurance that she was not to be armed before
the spring. He wrote that the French officers xmder-
stood that that ship had been promised him and would
make no difficulty about its being given to him. "You

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 391

know/' he continued, ''that I have remained in Europe
on the faith of commanding that ship, and have lost
so much time that I cannot r^ainl — ^I have ahnost half
killed m3rself with grief/' and then he reminded M. de
Chaumont that the Congress of the United States had
adopted no rule against rewarding the merit of a
stranger, and referred to the appointments in the army
and to the fact that the best ship in the navy had
been called the Alliance and given to a French officer.
Wearied out at last with the long-drawn agony of
his waiting, Jones now thought of going to L'Orient^
being, as he declared, ''heartily sick of Brest and an
eyesore to the Marine," but before he departed he had
occasion to reply to a characteristic inquiry of Arthur
Lee's in r^ard to the sale of one of the prizes taken by
the Ranger on his voyage across the Atlantic, the one
which had been properly conducted and recorded by
Jonathan Williams. Mr. Lee had declined to give
Jones a copy of the rules and r^ulations of the Ameri-
can marine, which Jones had desired for use in his
approaching cruise, for the reason that he considered
that Jones's appUcation had not been made in a respect-
ful form. Disappointed and mortified as he was in his
seemingly helpless situation, Jones daw no reason why
he should accept insult from Mr. Lee, and sent the fol-
lowing veiy independent and dignified reply:

Bbest, November 21st, 1778.
His Excbllbnct, Abthur Lbs,
Sir: —
I have the honor to receive your letter of the 16th
current. It is my duly, and will ever afford me

392 JOHN PAUL JONES

pleasure, to give eveiy satisf actoiy inf onnation in my
power respecting any circumstances that r^ards the
public interest, and my conduct as an American officer.
In my letter of the 3rd of June to the Commissioners I
was particular in accounting for the prizes I had taken.
On my way from America to Nantz I took two brig?
laden with fruit from Malaga, for London. The one of
which you inquire arrived at Nantz and was sold veiy
cheap by Messrs. Morris and Williams, the captors'
moiety of which was paid them in February, agreeable
to your letter. This is all that came within my knowl-
edge; but I have xmderstood, and believe, that the
latter acted in that business by virtue of the authority
which he received from the former, to whom I made
appUcation on my arrival. Should any farther account
be necessary, I am always ready to give it as far as it
lajrs in my power.

If Mr. Lee will for a moment recur to my letter to
him, dated on board the Ranger the 26th of February
last, he will find no reason to charge me with want of
due respect. The handbill that was enclosed by which
I became accoxmtable to those who entered to serve
under my command for the r^ular psymeat of their
wages, having been approved by the Marine Committee
(as certified to me under their Secretary's hand) the
public faith was thereby pledged to put it in my power,
else I should have f oxmd other means to f idfill that
engagement. And this appears to have been Mr. Lee's
opinion when he wrote with his own hand a letter of
credit in my favor, at Passy, the 10th of January last,
now before me.

The handful of men imder my command had been
led through many dangers of storms and enemies, and,
though in want of clothing and money, were returned
with some credit to Brest, yet when on tiie 16th of May
I ventured to sign my first draft on the public funds for

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 393

their relief ^ agreeable to my letter of advice, my signar
ture was dishonored*

Neither Dr. Franklin nor Mr. Adams were ac-
quainted with my engagement to the crew; but Mr.
Lee, who had been better informed, concun^ed to dis-
honor my draft, and left me with two hundred pris-
oners of war, a niunber of sick and woxmded, an almost
naked crew, and a ship, after a severe engagement, in
want of stores and provisions, from the 9th of May
till the 13th of Jime, destitute of any public support;
yet I found means to cure my wounded, feed my
people, to refit the ship, and guard my prisoners.

rnie dishonor that had be^ done me was known
through the French fleet and elsewhere; yet though I
was the first that had appeared at Brest and obtained
from France the honors due the American flag, I made
no public complaints, and only expressed my concern
by letter to the Commissioners, at the disgraceful woxmd
which the pubUc credit had suffered through me. And
now I b^ leave to ask Mr. Lee if I have deserved such
treatment?

The wretched situation of the crew occasioned mur-
muring which was artfully fomented by an officer in
disgrace, who succeeded too well in persuading the
people that I had deceived them, and that they ehould
cast the whole blame upon me, as the hindrance to their
receiving wages, prize-money, and bounties. In this
agitation of their minds he obtained from them certifi-
cates, &c. to the Commissioners in his favor.

These poor men were at last dragged away without
clothing, having only received at Brest eight or nine
crowns each, as prize money, the moment of their de-
parture, and not being allowed time to lay out that
trifle, and imprecating general curses on the public
service, public agents, and all concerned.

This is not the way to establish a Navy. Congress

394 JOHN PAUL JONES

has made laws for its internal govemmwt, and ap-
pointed the officers alone as magistrates to put them
into execution. The standing order of the Marine
Committee has been to preserve strict discipline in the
fleet, and all applications of complaint, either against
individuals or numbers, they have rejected without
answer. It not bdng, as they have told me, the
province of the civil power to interfere in the internal
government of ships of war. And you may now see,
that listening to the people of the Ranger, instead of
doing good, has destroyed even the shadow of subor-
dination.

Mr. Amiel has told me that you objected to my
receiving copies of some papers that concern me, be-
cause you thought I had not made a respectful appU-
cation. A copy of it is enclosed, which though not in
form of humble petition, I beUeve it will be cUficult to
construe into disrespect. True respect can never be
extorted; and I will say of mjrself, that

^The tribute of respect to greatness due.
Not the bribed sycophant more fredy pays.'

I shall only add, that the dishonor of my bill of ex-
change has not only served to corroborate the ungrate-
ful misrepresentations of Lieut. Simpson, but also oc-
casioned the infamous attachment of the Ranger^s
prizes, for the provisions previously furnished by M.
Bersolle.

I thank you, sir, for your polite attentions while I
was at Paris last Winter, which I received as a proof
of your good opinion, and which I have not since for-
feited by any misconduct.

The apparent mystery of my present situation can-
not be imputed to me as a fault, or if it is, I am respon-
sible to Congress. I have endeavored in my narrow

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 395

walk; to pursue a steady line of duty, wishing to offend
none.
I have the honor to be,

With due respect, Sir, yours, &c.

Events were to show at a later crisis of his affairs
how Lee was prepared to avenge himself for this self-
respecting attitude on Jones's part.

Among several reports from his friends in regard to
available ships, Jones heard from James Moylan, the
United States commercial agent at L'Orient, of an East
Indian ship called the Duras which was for sale, and
finally determined, although without the minister's
direct authority, to proceed to that port inmiediatdy,
to inspect the ship himself. ^'I am taking a step out
of rule," he wrote to Williams, "but I see no remedy
unless I wish to be trifled with imtil I die of grief."

Arrived at L'Orient on the evening of the 6th of
December, he wrote to M. de Chaumont, on the next
day, that he had seen the Duras, and that, although
somewhat more than twelve years old, he believed she
would answer. To this report of Jones no reply of
any kind arrived for two weeks, and the owner, who
had received other offers for the ship, gave Jones ten
days' refusal in which to purchase her. Under this cer-
tably imnecessary delay he wrote a most pitiful ac-
count of his situation to his friend Williams: "My
patience being worn out at Brest, Mr. Amid and myself
left that purgatoiy and have been here since the 6th.
I wrote on the 7tii to M. de Chaumont that there is
now a ship that might answer, but no reply has yet
appeared. I have not yet received a line from M. de

396 JOHN PAUL JONES

Chaumont since the 9th ult., he at that time offered
to buy me one of the small sloops at Brest; to that I
sent an absolute refusal. His silence has hurt me ex-
ceedingly, but this silence of Franklin has hurt me still
more^ as I r^ard him with the affection of a son to a
parent. So much indeed have I suffered through the
severity of my situation, that I find my health much
impaired. I cannot sleep, and I can say from my own
sad experience,

'*' Vfeare I to curse the man I hate.
Attendance and dependence be his fate.' **

Two days after writing this letter, he sent a last
agonized appeal to M. de Chaumont, telling him that
the Duras would certainly be sold if he did not promptly
send his decision, and imploring him to put him out of
his misery by sending him some definite reply. ''If
you really love me," he wrote, "you will remove my
doubts, or tell me that my fears are true, else I shall
beUeve that I have been betrayed and sacrificed with
premeditation.''

The very definiteness of the term at which the re-
fusal of the Duras would expire seemed to ease his
pam. "In ten dajrs I shall know,'' he wrote again
and agam to his friends Ross and Williams, "whether
I have had to deal with honest men or scoundrels."

At last, on the 28th, a reply arrived, and it was
favorable. Gourlade, the partner of James Moylan,
who was also acting as commercial agent at L'Orient,
had offered to buy the ship himself to relieve Jones's
torment, and now received definite orders to pur-

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 397

chase it. But agam^ before Jones had had time to
more than draw one breath of relief from his agony^
another doubtful^ temporizing letter arrived from M. de
Ghanmont, and Jones forthwith made up his mind to
go to Paris to attend to his busmess himself.

In the journal drawn up for Louis XVI in the year
1786, in which all the incidents of his naval service are
related with admirable darily and succinctness^ Jones
stated that his reason for forming this decision was the
accidental reading of a passage in Franklin's '^ Maxims
of Poor Richard/' in which he found the advice: "If
you would have your business done^ go yourself ^ if
not; send.''

In the first week of the new year he therefore pro-
ceeded to Paris, deciding, in case the minister should
give him the Dwaa, to change her name to the Ban
Homme Richard, to celebrate the wise axiom of "Poor
Richard's Almanac/' and the fame of its beloved
author. His journey was productive of immediate
and favorable results, for the minister received him
with perfect courtesy and promised to procure him
the ship without further delay. He also introduced
him to Count Gamier, with whom he directed Jones
to consult in r^ard to the plans for his proposed expe-
dition. This g^tleman was then at liberty at the
court, having been recalled from his post as chargi
d'affaires in London on account of the severing of
diplomatic relations between France and England. In
his journal for the King, Jones describes Count Gamier
as " im homme d'un grand penetration et d'un jugement
sur." He found him exceedingly sympathetic and had

398 JOHN PAUL JONES

the greatest satisfaction in the association. He drew
up for his inspection some veiy ludd papers in regard
to the proper methods of conducting aggressive war-
fare against the enemy's coasts and the proper dis-
tribution of prize-money, offering, as he had done
before in the case of the cruise in the Alfred and the
Providence, to assist in defraying the expenses of the
expedition from his own pocket.

The consideration he received at this time from the
representatives of both governments must have been
exceedingly gratifying to Jones's woimded pride. He
was again received as a guest at Passy, and again en-
joyed his agreeable intimacy with the admiring family
of M. de Chaiunont and his friendship with Doctor
Bancroft. M. de Sartine now treated him with the
utmost favor, intending apparently to atone for the
neglect of the past. He gave Jones carte-blanche and
sole command of the expedition, and offered him a
large ship of war, HieMarichal de Broglie, of sixty-four
guns, then lying at Nantes. He proposed also to give
him three or four frigates and two or three cutters,
with a corps of five hundred men from Walsh's Irish
raiment, to make the land attacks. No French sea-
men were to be enlisted, however, and despairing of
finding a sufficient niunber for the Marichal de Broglie,
Jones was compelled to refuse the splendid ship, and
content himself, while waiting for the Indien, which
Sartine again promised him, with the Duras.

On the 4th of February the minister issued to him in
writing the King's formal bestowal of the ship, and
announced that he was permitted to change her name

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 399

according to his desire. Jones replied in the following
letter:

Passt, Feb. 6tfc, 1779.
M. DB SabtinEi Minister of Manne, Versailles.

My Lord: —
I have the honor to receive your Excellency's letter
dated the 1st. by the hands of Mr. Gamier. I take
the earUest opportunity to offer you my smcere and
grateful thanks for so singular and honorable a mark
of your confidence and approbation.

It shall be my duty to represent in the strongest
terms to Congress, the generous and voluntary reso-
lution which their great fdly, the protector of the rights
of human nature, and the best of kings, has taken to
promote the honor of their flag, and I beseech you to
assure his Majesty that my heart is impressed with the
deepest sense of tiie obligation which I owe his conde-
scending favor and good opinion and which it shall be
my highest ambition to merit, by rendering every ser-
vice in my power to the conmion cause; I cannot ensure
success, but I will endeavor to deserve it.

I b^ leave to assure your Excellency that I will
carefully observe your present as well as f ut\u« instruc-
tions, and that I will communicate to you from time to
time a faithful account of my proceedings.

I will avail myself of the authority which you have
given me to raise French volunteers to serve as ma-
rines, as I fear there may not be easily found a suffi-
cient niunber of American seamen.

It has slwBiys been my custom to treat my people
and prisoners with hospitality and kindness, and you
may be assured that I shall ever take pleasure in pro-
moting the happiness of every person under my
command.

Your having permitted me to alter the name of the

400 JOHN PAUL JONES

ship has given me a pleasing opportunity of paying a
weU merited compliment to a great and good man to
whom I am imder obligations, and who honors me with
his friendship.

I am in the fulness and grateful affection of my
heart, and with perfect esteem and teepect,

My Lord,

Yours &c.

It was now time for Jones to commence active pxepsir
rations. He left Paris, therefore, on the 12th and
journeyed to St. Malo to recruit as many seamen as
possible at that port. From thence, without delay, he
went to UOrient, where the several ships of his squad-
ron were ordered to assemble.

The beautiful, fast-sailing AUiance, had just airived
in Europe, bringing over Lafayette, imder the com-
mand of Pierre Landais, and Jones wrote soon after his
arrival at L'Orient to Cknmt Gamier asking him to re-
quest Franklin to join her to his squadron. He an-
Donnced some difficulty in obtaining proper cannon
for the Poor Richard, and said that he was afraid he
would have to make search for them himself. He took
a few days of repose before proceeding upon these
joumejrs, during which time he wrote the remarkable
letter to Franklin in which he informed him of the
killing of the mutineer at Tobago. The innocent m3rs-
teiy which Franklin had asked Jones to e:q)lain, arismg
from the practical joking of the mischievous Mile, de
Chaumont and her maid, most strangely brought about
the painful confession.^ The ^'misfortime of his life''

> Letter from PYBiiklin to Jones, Mtioh, 1779| ippeodiz

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 401

was never revealed by his devoted f rieods, nor did it
alter in any perceptible manner the warmth of their
affection for him. Jones's idea of friendship was a
very high one; his candid natiue could not endiue a
relationship which was limited by a shadow of conceal-
ment. He requested that the letter containing his
confession should also be shown to Doctor Bancroft,
for whom he had the strongest affection, and upon
whom he relied for advice and assistance in every
emergency.

In his prompt and energetic efforts to persuade Sar-
tine to keep his promises to Jones, Bancroft had shown
that he deserved this confidence, and when Jones had
the opportunity of serving him in investigating the
serious chaiges that Bancroft had sold his knowledge
of the approaching commercial alliance between France
and America in England for the pxupose of speculating
in stocks, he was no less active in Bancroft's behalf.
In common with every associate of the commissioners,
Bancroft's honesty had been questioned by Arthur Lee,
and Jones was the instrument of clearing him from
suspicion. At a much later time Lee retracted these
charges himself, owing to the '^ fuller information"
which he had received when it was disclosed that he
himself had been the dupe of his two secretaries, Thorn-
ton and Ford, who, as spies in the pay of the English
Government, had duly forwarded information in regard
to the treaty.

Having sent off Lieutenant Amiel and other officers
whom he had found at Nantes to various points to re-
cruit seamen, Jones now started on his long and very

402 JOHN PAUL JONES

exhausting search for cannon. He went to Bordeaux,
and thence to Angoul^e, where he at last found a
foundry where they might be made, then to Nantes,
back to L'Orient, and once again to Nantes. At the
latter port he again enjoyed the delight of daily asso-
ciation with his beloved Jonathan Williams, who as-
sisted him in the revaluation of the Selkirk plate, and
also helped in the vigorous search for recruits.

He was wellnigh exhausted by all this journeying,
when, on the 9th of April, he was met at Nantes by
an express from Paris commanding his inmiediate pres-
ence at the capital for an important consultation with
Doctor Franklin and the niinister of niarine. Hestarted
without delay to obey this sunmions, taking Jonathan
Williams as far as L'Orient. \^thin forty-eight hours
from L'Orient he was in Paris, and discovered that
the reason for the sunmions arose from Franklin's de-
sire to associate Lafayette with him in his approach-
ing cruise. The Marquis de Lafayette had no sooner
arrived in Paris and been informed of Jones's daring
plans for attacking the coast of England than he de-
clared his ardent desire to join the expedition. His
proposal was cordially received by Franklin and sanc-
tioned by the Count de Vergennes. A new and most
attractive prospect was thus opened out to Jones,
who accepted the idea of a joint expedition with La-
fayette with enthusiasm. It was proposed that the
general should himself command a force of seven hun-
dred picked men for the purpose of making the land
attacks, and plans were concerted and decided upon
between them with Count Gamier's assistance, which.

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 403

as Jones said, ''would have astonished the woild."
Jones was promised an increased naval force, and noth-
ing was lacking to show the confidence and good in-
tentions of the minister.

Jones remained in Paris only long enough to perfect
these plans, and then returned to L'Orient to hasten
the equipment of the squadron. A few days after his
departure Franklin wrote a letter to Jones under the
belief that Lafayette was about to join him at L'Orient,
in which he gave the two young men the benefit of his
affectionate and paternal advice.

To Gapt. John Paul Jones:

27(h of April
Mt dear bib:

I have at the request of M. de Sartine postponed
the sending of the Alliance to America, and have or-
dered her to proceed immediately from Nantes to
L'Orient, where she is to be furnished with her com-
plement of men, join your little squadron, and act
under your command.

The Marquis de La Fayette will be with you soon.
It has been observed, that joint expeditions of land and
sea forces, often miscarry through jealousies and mis-
understandings between the officers of the different
corps. This must happen where there are little minds,
actuated more by personal views or profit or honor to
themselves, than by the warm and sincere desire of
good to their country. Knowing you both, as I do, and
your just manner of thinking on these occasions, I am
confident nothing of the kind can happen between you,
and that it is unnecessary for me to recommend to
either of you, that condescension, mutual good will,
and harmony, which contribute so much to success in

404 JOHN PAUL JONES

such undertakings. I look upon this expedition as an
introduction only to greater trusts and more extoisive
commands^ and as a kind of trial of both your abili-
ties, and of your fitness in temper and disposition for
acting in concert with others. I flatter myself, there-
f oreTthat nothing wiU happen that may ^ve impresr
sions to the disadvantage of either of you, when
greater affairs shall come under consideration.

As this is understood to be an American expedition,
under the Congress commission and colours, the Mar-
quis, who is a Major General in that service, has of
course the step in point of rank, and he must have the
command of the land forces, which are committed by
the King to his care; but the command of the ships will
be entirely in you, in which I am persuaded that what-
ever authority his rank might in strictness give him,
he wiU not have the least desire to interfere with you.
There is honour enough to be got for both of you, if
the expedition is conducted with a prudent unanimity.
The circumstance is indeed a little unusual; for there
is not only a junction of land and sea forces, but there
is also a junction of Fr^ichmen and Americans, which
increases the difficulty of maintaining a good imder-
standing; a cool prudent conduct in the chiefs is there-
fore the more necessary, and I trust neither of you wfll
in that respect be deficient. With my best w^es for
your success, health, and honour, I remain, dear Sir,
your affectionate and most obedient servant,

B. Fbankun.

Franklin sent with this letter official instructions
containing a prohibition against following England's
example in the wanton destruction of property, ex-
pressly forbidding the burning of any town except in
case of the refusal of a reasonable ransom.

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 405

On the same 27th of April, as the result of his con-
sultations with Franklin, Lafayette wrote for the first
time to Paul Jones, expressing the confidence which he
had immediately conceived for the man whose genius
and ambitions were so peculiarly sympathetic to his
own. The plans which had been concerted between
Jones and Lafayette in consultation with Ck)imt Gar-
nier had not been conmnmicated by Jones to M. de
Ghaumont, and Jones was displeased when he found
that he had become aware of them. Lafayette evi-
dently shared this feeling, for he wrote that M. de
Ghamnont was 'determined'' to undertake the journey
to L'Orient. Lafayette also wrote that he considered
it inadvisable that any mHitaiy should be put upon the
AUiance, for he had had a full experience of Landais's
eccentricities dxuing his passage across the Atlantic,
and he gave as his reason that he feared that Gap-
tain T<andais would get into trouble with his officers.
'^ Although this conmiand is not equal to my military
rank,'' Lafayette wrote, 'Hhe love of the conmion
cause makes me veiy happy to undertake it, and as
this motive is the only one which controUs all my pri-
vate and public affairs, I am sure that I shall find in
you the same zeal, and we shall do as much and more
than any others in the same situation." He concluded
his letter with the warmest expressions of friendship,
and a promise, which he loyally kept to the close of Ins
life, that that friendship should never end. ''Be cer-
tain, my dear Sir, that I shall be happy to divide with
you whatever share of glory may await us, and that
my esteem and affection for you is truly felt, and will
last forever."

406 JOHN PAUL JONES

The messenger who brought these letters to Paul
Jones might well have come from Olympian heights.
Not even in the hour of the tmique victoiy which was
to crown his brief career could his glory-loving heart
have felt a deeper, more satisfying happiness than
when he read these words of affection and confidence
from Lafayette and Franklin.

On the day of their arrival he sent the following
replies expressing in almost solemn engagements his in-
tention of meriting their confidence:

L'Orient May 1, 1779.
Major General De La Fayette, —

I have, my dear Marquis, this day had the singular
pleasure of receiving your very esteemed letter by the
hands of M. de Chamnont; so flattering and affection-
ate a proof of your esteem and friendship has made an
top,eL,n on iLy mind that wDl attend 1 whae I H™.
This I hope to prove by more than words. Where men
of fine feelings are concerned there is seldom misunder-
standing; and I am sure I should do violence to my
sensibility if I were capable of giving you a moment's
pain by any part of my conduct. Therefore, without
any apology, I shall expect you to point out my errors
when we are together alone with perfect freedom, and
I think I dare promise your reproof shall not be lost.

M. de Chaumont is now endeavoring to settle matters
with respect to the cannon. I hope he will succeed, and
if so, the Bon Homme Richard may soon be got ready.
I could say more with respect to the accommodation
of the men. I hope no difficulty will arise, for she can
carry 350 or 400, should there be occasion.

I have received from the good Dr. Franklin, instruc-
tions at large which do honor to his liberal mind, and
which it will give me the truest satisfaction to execute.

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 407

I cannot ensure success, but will endeavor to de-
serve it.

With sincere esteem and affection of my heart, and
with the truest regard and respect, I am always,

Yours &c.

J. P. Jones.

L'Obibnt, May 1, 1779.
His Exoellenct Benjamin Franklin,

Honored and Dear Sir:
The letter I had the honor to receive from you to-
day, together with your liberal and noble-minded in-
structions, would make a coward brave. You have
called up every sentiment of public virtue in my breast,
and it shall be my pride and my ambition, in the
strict pursuit of your instructions, to deserve success.

Be assured that very few prospects could afford me
so true a satisfaction as that of rendering some ac-
ceptable service to the common cause, and at the same
time relieving from captivity (by f luxdshing the means
of exchange) our unfortunate fellow subjects from the
hands of the enemy.

It only remains for me to return your Excellency, my
thanks for part instances of your friendship, especiaUy
in the last of your particular confidence.

I am, and shall be to the end of my life, with the
most affectionate esteem and respect.

Honored and Dear Sir,

Yours &c.

Paul Jones had need of the strength which always
came to him from the encouragement and appreciation
of his friends, for his health had so severely suffered by
his constant journeying^ that he was obliged to take
to his bed.

408 JOHN PAUL JONES

Under these conditions the business of recruiting the
seamen proceeded with difficulty. The volunteers who
had been enrolled at Nantes were all sent back as being
entirely unfit for service. Jones had fortunately been
able to engage thirty reliable seamen from among some
American prisoners who had been sent to L'Orient in a
cartel, but he was compelled to recruit also a nimiber
of raw French peasants from the neighboring fidds to
make up the necessary complement, and bdieving
that the soldiers who were to saQ with him imder
Lafayette's command would keep them in order, he
also shipped a nmnber of English prisoners from the
jails of Brest and Saint Malo, making, as he declared,
''as bad a crew as was ever embarked on any vessel.''
The cannon had failed to arrive from Angoul^e for
the Bon Homme Richard, and he therefore armed her
with an old batteiy of twenty-eight nine and twelve
pounders on the main deck, and placed six old eighteen-
poimders on the gun-deck. This was an exceedingly
dangerous proceeding, except in smooth water, which
Jones explained he expected to find in the en^ny's
harbors. These, with the cannon of the forecastle
and quarter-deck, brought her armament to forty-two
guns. The zealous M. de Chaumont had purchased
the Pallas, a merchant-ship which he had foimd at
Nantes, and fitted her up in the greatest possible haste
with thirty-two twelve-poimders. A small brig, the
Vengeance, he had also mounted with twelve three-
poimders. This ship now arrived at L'Orient to join
the Bon Homme Richard, as well as the Cerf, a fine
cutter from the royal marine, and the Alliance of
thirty-six guns, which, according to Jones's request, had

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 409

been added to his force. These five ships made up
Jones's little squadron, and the last two were actually
the only ones which were fit for service. The soldiers
were ordered to embark, and Jones was waiting for
Lafayette's arrival when a letter came from him an-
nouncing that, owing to the indiscreet communication
of the secret of the expedition to M. de Chamnont,
the minister had ordered that the troops should not
saQ and that Lafayette should rejoin his raiment.
Again disappointment destroyed the ardent hopes of
Paul Jones at the veiy moment when they seemed about
to be realized. The original plan of the expedition,
which was no less than to lay Liverpool imder contri-
bution, as well as those which Jones had secretly per-
fected with Ck)unt Gamier, were also all abandoned in
favor of a much less important expedition with four
ships furnished by the Swedish minister.

At this unhappy moment Jones was also informed
that Goimt Gamier had been superseded, as adviser
and representative of the minister, by M. de Chau-
mont. Count Gamier had been prondsed the post of
minister to the United States, a promise which was
barren of result, and M^ de Chaumont, as the direct
representative of the court, assumed not only the
office of commissary for the equipment of the ships,
but took to himself, in virtue of his high authority, the
position of general manager of the entire squadron.

The responsibility of communicating the secret of
the expedition to M. de Chaumont lay at the door of
M. de Sartine, as the following letter from Lafayette
to the Coimt de Vergennes discloses:

410 JOHN PAUL JONES

France^ Archives Etranqebes,
(Translation)

Paris, 1st April 1779
To the C5ouNT de Vergennbs: —

Sir: —
From what M. de Sartine has said to me, I re-
quested M. de Chaumont yesterday to send and seek
for Captain Jones, and although the place of his pres-
ent residence is unknown, our messenger will do all
that he possibly can to bring him immediately. I en-
trusted to him a somewhat urgent letter for Jones, and
as Dr. Franklin was not at home, I left one also for him,
in which I gave our desire to see the captain, the
appearance of a consultation, rather than that of any
definite plan.

The time I passed with M. de Chaumont enabled me
to learn what I shall now have the honor of confiding to
you. The armament of the Bon Homme Richard, (the
vessel of fifty guns) goes on in the slowest possible
manner. The refusal of the stores from the King's
magazine, especially the guns, will retard our expedi-
tion for a whole month, because it will be the same
for all the other ships. The only way to obviate such
delay would be to put one man in charge of this arma-
ment, and send him to the ports with orders to take
all that was necessary. I have discovered that Jones
had a little plan for an enterprise, formed under the
direction of Gamier, and in which M. de Chaumont
is concerned. From the manner in which M. de
Sartine sent for him, making M. de Chaumont a half
confidant, (the most dangerous of all things because
it gives information, without binding to secrecy) I
think it would now be as well to communicate to him
the secret of the armament, without betrajring that of
the expedition, and to charge him to employ therein

WAITING FOR A CX3MMAND 411

all his activity. The other person, (Gamier) need no
longer in that case take any part in it^ and according
to the orders received by M. de Sartine, it appeared to
me, from what M. de Chanmont said, that the Bon
Homme Richard, and other vessels, would be in readi-
ness before the expiration of three weeks.

I intend to have the honor of paying my respects to
you after dinner on Saturday. If you approve of my
idea, M. Le Compte, M. de Chaumont, or any other
person you please, might be sunmioned at the same
time; for by ordinary methods we shall never finish.

I hope that in consideration of my aversion to delays
in military affairs, and for the sake of a project which
you approve, you will be good enough to pardon the
trouble which my confidence gives you.

I have the honor to be, with veiy sincere respect and
attachment, M. le Compte, *

Your veiy humble and veiy obedient servant.

The generous offer made by M. de Chaimiont to
Lafayette, to supply him with the necessary funds
for the armament of the squadron, was evidently the
cause of the enlai^ment of the powers of M. de Chau-
mont, as well as the confidential relation which he en-
joyed with M. de Sartine and the King himself.

M. de Chamnont had not been fitted by his experi-
ence as a manufacturer of ceramics, or by his late
honorable prerogatives as ^'Mattre des Eaux et des
ForSts," for such powers, and his indiscretion and
the extraordinary orders which he issued more than
justified Jones's apprehensions. In spite of the un-
fortunate result of his revelation of the secret of the
proposed expedition, M. de Chamnont continued his
misdirected efforts to establish rules for the manage-

412 JOHN PAUL JONES

ment of the little squadron, and on the 10th and 14th
of June issued written orders forbidding Jones to re-
quire any services from the ships under his ostensible
command, which differed from the designs of their
respective captains. The four captains, Cottineau of
the Pallas, Bicot of the Vengeance, Varage of the Cerf,
and T^ndais of the AUiance, who were sev^ully placed
on these vesseb imder the orders of M. de Chaumont,
therefore conadered themselves perfectly free to carry
out their own ideas without any reference to Jones.
Moreover, M. de Ghamnont, by inRtilling the idea
into the entire personnel of the squadron that he
was the manager of the expedition and the agent of
the King, caused the opinion to prevail that it was a
Fr^ich squadron, and that its captain was a stranger
to be viewed with suspicion. ''According to my
opinion,^' wrote Jones to the King, ''it was hardly pos-
sible for the commissary to render a worse service to
his coimtry, as the King had made the generous reso-
lution to maintain at his own expense and under the
American flag, the squadron which he had confided to
my direction, and as I had given all the commissions
to the American officers, it was important for the good
of the service that they should believe that they were
in the service of the CJongress, and that the squadron
belonged to the United States/'

All hopes of harmonious action were lost by the
strange directions of M. de Ghamnont. In spite of
these imheard-of hindrances and complications, Jones
attempted to establish the best possible relations with
his associated captains, and to keep his temper with the

WAITING FOR A C50MMAND 413

commissary; whose errors he believed were of '^ the head
and not of the heart." Two of the best officers on the
Alliance deserted at this jxmcture on account of their
difficulties with Landais; Jones permitted this in hopes
of maintaining harmony on the best ship of his squad-
ron; writing carefuUy to John Adams to inform him
as to the actual causes of the difficulty. He waa still
expecting that Lafayette would eventually join him
when he received a letter from the marquis informing
him that their happy idea of a joint expedition must
be definitely abandoned.

At the moment of receiving this disappointing in-
telligence Jones wrote the following letter to Franklin,
showing that he was able, in this instance at least, to
accept the inevitable with philosophy:

L'Oribnt, May 22, 1779
Honored and Dear Sir: —

Since I had the honor to receive your kind and polite
letter of the 10th, I have waited with impatient
expectation of seeing the Marquis h^*e. The Ban
Homme Richard, the Alliance, the PaUas, and Cerf, and
the Vengeance are now ready in the road, for the
embarkment of the troops. This little armament waa
not I may say b^un before the 12th of this month;
since then the people concerned in it have been em-
ployed night and day, and I have flattered myself with
hopes of success and honor. Judge then of my dis-
appointment when instead of seeing the Marquis, I
Iiave received a letter from him in which he tedls me
that 'Hhe king's disposition is entirely changed, and
that instead of meeting me here, he is now going to
take command of the King's regiment at Saints/'
Extraordinary as this change is, it is not my place to

414 JOHN PAUL JONES

inquire into the reasons for it, and tho' the expense of
the armament may perhaps exceed the usual amount,
I am certain that the alteration cannot be attributed
to any want of activity on my part. I am ready to
follow any plan you please to adopt, or if anything is
left to me, you may depend on my best endeavors
either in Europe or America. It would have added
greatly indeed to my happiness to have been joined in
conunand with a character so amiable as the Marquis,
and I am very unwilling to drop the expectation of his
coming here. His letter was but this moment brought
to my hands, and to save the post I am obliged to
shorten my letter.

I have the honor to be, with honest affection and
esteem in all changes,

Honored and Dear Sir,
Your very obliged friend, and obl^ed servant.

The reason for the change in the plans of the French
Government arose from intimations which were com-
'municated to the King by his uncle of Spain that he
was about to join in the war against England. M. de
Sartine now planned what Franklin in a private let-
ter called 'Hhe grand invasion," which was, indeed, a
project for a general attack upon Englami by the
combined forces of France and Spain. Preparations for
this extensive design were put into active progress, and
Lafayette, aa the destined commander of the land
forces, was compelled to withdraw from the expedition
planned for Jones's small squadron. ''I dare say," the
marquis wrote to Jones on the 22d of May, 'Hhat you
will be very sorry to hear that our plans have been
quite altered. I can only tell you how sorry I feel not
to be a witness of your success, abilities, and glory."

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 415

With the definite withdrawal of Lafayette and his
soldiers the prospects of controlling his motley crew,
with its dangerous force of En^ish prisoners, became
exceedingly doubtful, but Jones had no alternative but
to await sailing orders from Franklin, which finally
arrived in the shape of a letter communicating to T^im
Sartine's desire that he should go out in a short pre-
liminary cruise, in which he was to convoy some mer-
chant-diips from L'Orient to Bordeaux and to chase
the enemy's ships out of the Bay of Biscay. Although
by no means corresponding with the ambitious plans
which he had made, Jones proceeded to obey these
orders with his customary alacrity, and put to sea in
the Bon Homme Richard, together with the other ships
of his squadron and his convoy of merchantmen, on
the 19th of Jime. This little expedition was destined
to be fruitful in many lessons but few results. On the
20th his long series of difficulties with Landais began}
during the night the AUiance came into collision with
the Bon Homme Richard on account of Tiandais refus-
ing to give his commander's ship the right of way.
Considerable damage was done to both of the ships,
the Richard losing her cut-water and jib-boom, and
the AUiance her mizzen-mast. The blame for this
accident was chiefly owing to the insubordination of
Landais in deliberately disr^arding Jones's signal, and
to his disgraceful cowardice at the moment of the ac-
cident, when he gave no orders, but ran below to load
his pistols, leaving his vessel to be extricated from her
dangerous situation by his subordinates. Jones was
below at the time of this accident, but immediately

416 JOHN PAUL JONES

took command in the place of his own ineflident of-
ficer of the watch, and succeeded in separating the
ships. The two vessels were repau^ with all speed
and Jones proceeded to carry out his orders. After
escorting his convoy to Bordeaux, he went into the Bay
of Biscay, and in his effort to come up with various
Engh'ah ships he found, to his infinite annoyance, that
the Ban Homme Richard was a hopelessly duU sailer.
His fears of trouble with the English prisoners were
also quickly realized, for they formed a plot to take
the Bon Homme Richard, which was fortunately dis-
co vered in time and its ringleaders put in irons. Jones's
conduct of this short and relatively unimportant cruise
is full of indications of his character and of his aptitude
for command. Confronted with a disabling accident
and the dangers of a formidable plot to take the ship,
he inmiediately attempted to improve the efficiency of
his officers by issuing complete and detailed rules for
their direction, and by constant and personal consulta-
tion.

On the day after the collision he sent the Cerf, as
being the fastest ship in his squadron, to reconnoitre
two sail. After a sharp engagement the Cerf came up
with one of them, a sloop of fourteen guns, and capt-
ured her, but on the approach of a superior force was
compelled to abandon the prize and return to L'Orient
to refit. On the 22d three ships of war appeared to
windward and bore down in order, but, finding Jones
ready to engage, escaped by superior sailing. A few
days later the Alliance and the PaUas were lost in a
thick fog, and when the two remaining ships came in

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 417

sight of the Island of Groix, o£F L^Orient, on the 26th;
in a contrary gale, Jones gave the Vengeance permission
to make her way into port as best she could

The time allotted to him in his orders now being
elapsed; Jones prepared to return to L'Orient; when he
found himself at nightfall in dose proximity to two
large British frigates. He waa alone in the Bon
Homme Richcard and chased by the frigates, who were
rapidly overtaking him. He immediately tacked to
engage them, but when they perceived his intentions
the frigates ran away, and; as he related; ''to his great
mortification outsailed the Bon Homme Richard and
got dear/' Thus Jones lost an opportunity, so brill-
iantly exemplified ia the case of the engagement of the
Constitution with the Cygne and the Levant in the War
of 1812; of beating two superior English frigates at
once. "I would have taken them both together;" he
declared; ''if I had been able to get between them as
had been my intention."

An entry in the log-book of the Bon Homme Richard
gives an account of Jones's dealing with his officers on
this occasion:

30th June. At half past 7 p. m. saw two sail bear-
ing down upon uS; one with a flag at each mast head.
Hove about and stood from them to get in readiness
for action; then hove mizzen-topsail to the mast; down
all stay-sails and up mizzen-6ail. Then they hove
about and stood from us. Immediatdy we tacked
ship and stood after them.

After which they wore ship and stood for us. Cap-
tain JoneS; gentleman-like, caUed all his officers/ and

418 JOHN PAUL JONES

consulted them whether they were wflling to see th^n.
They aQ said, Yes. Made safl after them; but they,
being better sailors than we, got from us. At 1 a. il
tacked ship.

An interestmg example of his methods of getting the
veiy best possible service out of his crews is contained
in the written acknowledgment of his appreciation of
the conduct of his officers and men on the eve of the
expected engagement with the frigates:

It is with singular satisfaction that the Captain
returns his thanks to the officers and men for the noble
ardour and marshal! spirit which they manifested last
night when m chase of two ships of war, which ap-
peared to be Enemies, whom we expected eveiy mo-
ment to engage. —

But who saved themselves by their superior swift-
ness of sailing and by a most shameful Fli^t. —

The ship is now bound into port for a few dBsye, after
which we shall depart again better fitted; — and it shall
be the Captain's endeavor to search after a Fortune
equal to the Merit of eveiy Man, of eveiy free Ameri-
can and brave volunteer whom he has the honor to
command. —
Given on board the American

Ship of War, the Bon Homme Richard

oS Port Louis, the 30th

Of June, 1779.

Some of the men were those very English prisoners
who had joined in the plot to take the Bon Homme
Richard, but once convinced of Jones's capacity to pre-
serve discipline, and inspired^ as his seamen never
failed to become at the moment of conflict, by the

WAITING FOR A COMMAND 419

example of his own enthusiasm; they evinced a spirit
of bravery so conmiendable that Jones made particular
reference to them in the account of his cruise, which he
drew up for Franklin and Sartine on the following day,
when he arrived at Groix. This report of the 30th of
June crossed on the way to Paris new instructions for
a further expedition which Franklin^ in ignorance of
the damages to the AUtance and the Bon Homme
Richard, intended should be carried out immediately:

Being arrived at Groix, you are to make the best
of your way with the vesseb under your command to
the West of Ireland, and establish your cruise on the
Orcades, the Cape of Demeus, and the Dogger Bank,
in order to take the enemy's property in those seas.

The prizes you may make, send to Dunkirk, Ostend,
or Bergen, in Norway, according to your proximity to
either of those ports. Address them to the persons
M. de Chaumont shall indicate to you.

About the 15th of August, when you will have suffi-
ciently cruised in these seas, you are to make route
for the Texel, where you will meet my further orders.

If by any personal accident you should be rendered
unable to execute these instructions, the officer of your
squadron next in rank is to endeavor to put them in
execution.

The slow sailing of the Bon Homme Richard, as
shown in this first cruise, had naturally been a severe
disappointment to Jones, and his discontent with his
vessel was further increased by the discovery that her
timbers were too old and rotten to permit of some
alterations which he had contemplated.

He therefore reported these facts to Franklin, asking

420 JOHN PAUL JONES

if there might not be now a chance for the Indien,
saying that he wished ''for an opportunity of attempt-
ing an essential service to render himself worthy a
better and faster sailing ship." He also suggested a
change in the destination of his next cruise, to which
Franklin replied that no alteration in Jones's present
orders could then be expected, but he hinted by way
of encouragement that he believed the French minister
had chosen the Texel as the ultimate destination of
the cruise, with the idea of there giving Jones the
command of the Indien.

The d^ree of equanimity with which Paul Jones
accepted this ultimatum probably drew largely upon
his limited store of philosophy. He had ''almost half-
killed himself'' in his efforts to get his ship, and on
the first trial of her qualities found that she was
hopelessly slow — ^la fact, the dullest sailer of the whole
squadron. The cannon for which he had taken ex-
hausting journeys over nearly the whole of France
failed to arrive, and his guns were old, like his vessel,
and had most of them been condemned by the French
Government; but the die was cast, it was the Bon
Homme Richard or nothing, and he was ready to risk
aQ on the hope of some desperate chance, where her
slow sailing might not hinder him. In this temper he
proceeded with aQ haste to the business of refitting
his ship, but here again he was met with the usual
delays and complications. In the interval of prepara-
tion, M. de Chaumont sent orders from Paris for the
Pallaa and the Vengeance to go out cruising for priva-
teers, a proceeding which caused Jones great annoyance

WAITING FOR A C50MMAND 421

on account of the delay which their possible disable-
ment mi^t entail upon the immediate sailing of the
whole squadron and the execution of his orders from
Franklin.

M. de Chaumont waa at this juncture again in Paris
and in consultation with Franklin, and was also in-
formed by Sartine of the plans adopted for this second
expedition.

With the disastrous result of the commissary's indis-
cretion in revealing the secret of the joint expedition
with Lafayette still fresh in his mind, it is not sur-
prising that Jones was annoyed to find that M. de
Chaiunont had divulged the destination of his approach-
ing cruises to various officers at L'Orient. ''This is
surely a strange infatuation/' he wrote to Franklin,
''and it is much to be lamented that one of the best
hearts in the world should be connected with a mis-
taken head; whose errors may affect the ruin and dis*
honor of the man whom he esteems and loves."

These apprehensions were not the only preoccupa-
tions of these anxious da3rS; for Jones's time was now
taken up with courts-martial assembled to try the ring-
leaders of the plot which had been discovered during
his recent cruise. These men, two quartermasters,
were convicted and condemned to death, but, to Jones's
relief, the sentence was changed to severe flogging with
the "cat-o'-nine-tails."

The officer of the Bon Homme Richard whose care-
lessness had contributed to the collision with the AUv-
once was also tried and broken. These unfortunate
occurrences were reported to Sartine, who immediately

422 JOHN PAUL JONES

formed a veiy poor opinion of the efficiency of the
squadron, and of the Bon Homme Richard in particu-
lar, which Jones was now eager to reverse. Li these
unpleasant occupations many weeks dragged by • Noth-
ing tried his patience more severely than delay, but in
this instance it was providential, for it gave him the
opportunity of improving the character of the Bon
Homme Richard^s crew.

The minister, thinking it wise to control the dan-
gerous element among Jones's seamen, sent a force of
marines to join the ship under lieutenant-Colonel
Chamillard de Warville and Colonel Weibert, two
officers reconunended by Lafayette. One hxmdred
and thirty-seven Portuguese seamen, lately arrived at
L'Orient in the Epervier, were also added to his force.
When the news came that a cartel of American pris-
oners had arrived at Nantes, Jones sent his master, Mr.
Cutting Lunt, to that port to recruit as many as possible.
Among these men, who were destined to render him
such heroic support in the celebrated cruises on which
he was now to embark, was Richard Dale, then but
twenty-three years old and just emerged from a
two years' captivity in the mill prison at Portsmouth;
youthful and in ill health from his rigorous and long
confinement, Jones immediately recognized his char-
acter and capacity, and gave him a commission as
first lieutenant of the Bon Homme Richard. These
American seamen were the bone and sinew of his crew,
without whose honesty and courage the story of the
cruise and the fame of its commander mi^t have
borne a different character in history. The business

WAITING FOR A CX)MMAND 423

of recruiting seamen waa by no means left to his
officers, for, in spite of his poor health, resulting from
the trials and fatigues of the winter, Jones spared
neither time nor trouble to persuade any likely seaman
whom he found at L'Orient to ship with him. Among
those who had joined the AUiance, possibly on her
arrival at Nantes, were Thomas Chase and Joe Fred-
erick, both released from the English prisons, and im-
mediately recognized by Jones. An amusing account
of his methods of inducing seamen to sign the ship's
articles is left by Nathaniel Faiming in his records of
his experiences imder Jones's conmiand.^

The crew of the Richard was now swelled by these
various additions to the number of three hundred and
ei^ty men and boys, including one hundred and
thirty-seven marines. Among the officers of all de-
grees, according to the official list published by Sher-
burne from Jones's papers, there were eight Americans,
two French, and six British, including the conmiodore
and the two surgeon's mates. Dale was first lieuten-
ant, Henry and Cutting Lunt were second and third
lieutenants, and Samuel Stacy and Lawrence Brooke
were master and surgeon, respectively. Lieutenants
Stack, McCarthy, and O'Kelly, from Walsh's Irish ra-
iment, were officers of the marines under Chamillard
and Weibert, and John White was first mate. Thomas

I «HiB smoothnen of tongue and flattery to seamen wbiea he wanted
them was pecBuaaiye, and m which he exodled any other man I was
ever aoqiiflint.ed with. In fact, I hare seen him walk to and fro upon
the quay in L'Orient for hours together with a sing^ seaman, in onler
to persuade him to sign the ship's artides (whidi be otunmanded) and
in whidi he was often suooessfid."

424 JOHN PAUL JONES

Potter, Nathaniel Fanning, with about seventy other
Americans, were enrolled as midshipmen and seamen,
and the others, full four-fifths of the ship's company,
were a motley collection of Portuguese, Malays, and
Swedes, together with the English prisoners whom,
with great reluctance, Jones was forced to retain to
make up the necessaiy complement. They were nearly
a hundred in number, and represented a most danger-
ous element of insubordination and possibly mutiny.

Six weeks had now passed by since Jones had re-
turned to port to refit his ship, and the time was at
hand once more to put to sea. The period allotted for
the dmation of the cruise was lengthened by Franklin
to the end of September, at Jones's request, and his
spirit was further encouraged by the evident harmony
which seemed at that time to exist among the captains
of the squadron, when, to Jones's infinite annoyance,
his zealous friend, the conmiissaiy, once more appeared
at L'Orient, and at the last moment imposed upon him
a strange paper called the "Concordat." This "Con-
cordat " was the most extraordinary dociunent ever con-
ceived for the confounding of the conmiander-in-chief of
a squadron. The orders which had already been issued
to Jones by M. de Chamnont before his first cruise,
expressly forbidding him to require any services from
the ships of his squadron which would interfere with the
orders of their respective captains, were confirmed by
the terms of the "Concordat," which now deprived
Jones of the least shadow of that unconditional au-
thority which should have belonged to him as the
superior officer of the squadron.

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 425

The several captains were ordered by the minister,
through M. de Chanmont, to act solely under the brevet
of the United States, but were in no manner required
to yield obedience to their commander, except as it
suited their discretion. Other articles provided that
the prizes should be sent to consignees of M. de Chau-
mont's selection, for the reason that he had supplied
the expenses of the armament, and that the division
of the prize-money, although governed by American
laws, should in reality be administered solely by M.
de Chaumont himself, to whom eveiy member of the
expedition should apply for his proportion. This ir-
r^ular arrangement was productive of great injustice
in the matter of the award of the prize-money, and an
interminable delay in its distribution.

This extraordinary paper was levelled at Jones's head
at the veiy moment of his departure, but as the com-
missary asserted that he represented Sartine, with
full power to remove Jones from the command of the
squadron, and as all the other officers had affixed
their signatures, Jones found himself compelled to sign
his name to the detested paper. ''Under any other
circumstances, and at any other time,'' he wrote to the
King, ''I should have rejected this proposal with dis-
dain. I saw aU the dangers which I was incurring, but
as I had announced in America that I had remained in
Europe at the request of the French Court, I decided
to ri^ them all."^ No adequate reason for the issuing
of this paper has ever been advanced by any of Jones's
biographers. The manifest inexperience and ill judg-

^ Appendix Q.

426 JOHN PAUL JONES

ment of its author, added to his desire to realize some
profit on his investments in the expedition of the allied
powers, imdoubtedly furnished M. de Chaumont's per-
sonal reasons for imposing it upon Jones, and the
'^cabals" of the jealous French officers which, as Jones
relates, were so ''high and dangerous'' as to have
brought about his instant assassination, if the minister
had diverted any considerable force to his conmiand,
undoubtedly influenced Sartine's approval of the agree-
ment. To sail under the absolute authority of a little-
known officer of so new a power as the United States
was possibly more than any French officer was willing
to submit to.^

The self-control which the long winter of disappoint-
ments and delays had taught him enabled him now to

* John Adams, who had oome to L'Orieot with the ezpeetatioQ of
returning to America on the Alliance, gives the following account of a
dinner given by Jones to the various officers of the Ban Homme Bidkard
and AOiance.

JOHN ADAIIS'S DIABT.

''Thursday. Went on shore and dined with Captain Jones at the
Epde Boyale. Amiel, Mr. Di(^ Dr. Brooks, officers of the Paar Rfdiard^
Captain Cazneau, Ci^tain Young, Mr. Ingraham, Mr. Blodgett, Mr.
Qlover, Mr. Conant, Messrs. Mc^land, Mease, Nesbit, Cummingi, and
Mr. Taylor made the company with Captain Tjandais, myself and my
son.

"An elegant dinner we had, and very agreeable and instructive con-
versation; but we practiced the old ^jnerioan custcnn of drinking to
each other, which I confess is always agreeable to me. Some ^ts
about language and gjances about women produced this observation; —
that there were two ways of learning French, conmionly recommended;
take a mistress, and go to the Comedy. Dr. Brooks in his good humor
'Pray sir, which in your opinion is the best?' Answer in as good
humor 'Perhaps both would teadi it somewhat sooner than either.'
But continued I, assuming my gravity, ' The language is no where better
spoken than at the Ccnnedie. The pu^it, the bar, the Academy of
Sciences, and the Faculty of Medicine; none of them speak as accu-
rately as the French Comedie.' '*

WATTING FOR A COMMAND 427

bear this last indignity. The tact, and the wise and
eonciliatoiy methods of dealing with complicated and
trying conditions, which he had already displayed in
his gentleman-like treatment of his subordinates in the
first short cruise of his squadron, were now exhibited
in his efforts to establish harmonious relations with the
associate commanders. He endeavored in repeated
consultations to replace authority by personal ascen-
dency, and to assure as large a measure of concerted
action as was possible xmder the circumstances. For
this purpose he issued orders to the respective captains,
requesting strict regard to signals, and giving into the
hands of each sealed letters of rendezvous in case of
separation from the flagnaihip. Two privateers offered
to join the squadron as volunteers, sweUiog the num-
ber of his ships to seven, and he now prepared to saiL
On the 11th of August he wrote to Sartine, ex-
plaining that the unguarded English prisoners had
caused the troubles on his ship, and reminding him
that the minister's withdrawal of the marines at the
last moment of sailing had been responsible for their
insubordination. He wrote that, with the presence of
the soldiers which Sartine had now placed upon his
ship, he expected to be able to control them, and
promised to send him direct accounts of the coming
expedition. Two days later, on the eve of his de-
parture, in a happy mood of expectation, he sent a
farewell letter to Franklin saying that 'Hhe little
squadron appeared to be unanimous, and that he b^
lieved if that good understanding should continue, that
th^ would be able to perform essential services.'' '^I

428 JOHN PAUL JONES

shall certainly sail at daybreak/' he continued, "and
I hope shortly to find opportunity to testify my grati-
tude to our great and good ally, for the honor he has
conferred upon the American flag and on myself, and
I look forward with flattering expectation and an
ardent desire to merit your friendship and that of
America." Another letter, brimful of affection and the
expression of his eager desire sometime to make the
joint expedition in his company, he sent to his friend
Lafayette, thanking him for the presence and assist-
ance of Messrs. Weibert and Chamillard, and assuring
him of his happiness in being ranked among the number
of his friends. A still more intimate expression of his
feelings at the moment of departure is found in a letter
belonging to this period, which he wrote to a woman,
Madfune de Chaumont, a letter hitherto unpublished,
which furnishes a striking example of the power of his
extraordinary personality and the delicate gallantry of
his attitude toward one who had impulsively confessed
that she had felt his charm.

On Board the Bon Homme Richard,

L'Orient, June lith.

Although my pen has hitherto been ralent, yet my
thoughts have done ample justice to the affectionate
friendship of Madame de Chaumont. Since I last had
the honor of seeing her, I have indeed had very Uttle
time to write, yet had I been sufficiently acquainted
with her language she would have heard from me
frequently.

As I have been so long imder involimtary silence, you
have a just right to expect me to say something that
can make atonement in this letter, and I ardently wish

WAITING PXDR A COMMAND 429

not to disappoint you. I feel however, that I never
had more to say, nor less power to express myself.

I am on the point again of proving the uncertain
fortimes of war. If I survive, I hope to return with
laurels. I hope this, I say, because I am sure to take
with me your good wishes, and because I know that
my success would afford you pleasure.

To support the cause of human nature, I sacrifice all
the soft emotions of the heart, at a time too when love
is my duty. But my soul's supreme ambition is to
merit the partial praises of my friends which I have not
yet done by my services. I can only add, that what-
ever my f utm^ fortime may be, I shall carry with me
through life, the most constant and lively sense of
your polite attentions, and of your delicate and unre-
served friendship.

I am, with sentiments of real esteem, affection and
respect,

Madame,

Yours.

The exact relation which existed between Jones and
his fair correspondent, who is said to have possessed
imusual wit and attractiveness, must be left to con-
jecture. But a knowledge of her ardent admiration of
the young American officer might easily have been
one reason why M. de Chaumont sent Jones forth in
the anomalous position of a commander-in-chief
of a squadron without the slightest power to com-
mand.

The hour had now come for him to dq>art, and with
a courage undaunted by the dangers of his situation,
with a rotten ship, a makeshift armament, and a mot-
ley crew, he set sail on August the 14th on that cruise

430 JOHN PAUL JONES

which was destined to be his ultimate and crowning
adventure, the opportunity to fulfil his soul's supreme
ambition, and to ''write his name with honor in the
page of histoiy."

CHAPTER XIV

THE BATTLE OP THE "BON HOMME RICHARD''

AND THE ''SERAPIS''

Ai/THOUGH Jones had received orders to sail to the north
of Scotland to attack the enemy's commerce off the
Qrcades and the Dogger Bank, he had represented to
Franklin that these definite directions might prevent
his taking advantage of more favorable opportunities^
which he hoped might fall in his way, and hinder the
execution of other and far more extensive plans of his
own which he had already projected. Franklin had
yidded to his arguments, and, following the wise course
which the American Government had piumied from the
first in r^ard to their most successful and favorite
naval officer, gave him carte-blanche.

In the conception and perfection of his plans for the
cruise Paul Jones was tilieref ore unhampered by his
own government, but the unequalled and most un-
fortunate terms of the '' concordat" which Sartine
had permitted M. de Chamnont to impose upon him
developed without delay a series of difficulties which
would have utterly discouraged a less determined com-
mander. That ii^exible quality in his character which
had at last procured him his command after a year of
disappointments and delays was now about to be sub-
jected to tests which ultimately revealed its wellnigh

481

432 JOHN PAUL JONES

superhuman endurance. But he was free at last from
the surveillance of M. de Chaumont; and, once more
at sea, he viewed his squadron with determined opti-
mism. The addition of the two privateers had swdled
its numbers to seven sail, "A force/' he writes, "which
might have affected great services and done infinite in-
jmy to the'oiemy, had there been due secrecy or subor-
dination. Unfortunately there was neither. Captain
Jones saw his danger, but his reputation being at
stake he put all to tiie hazard."

Sailing at daybreak on the 14th, they arrived after
four uneventful days off the entrance to the English
Channel, where they recaptured the Venvagting, a larg^
ship from Holland which had been taken a few days
before by an English privateer, and here at once the
folly of M. de Chaumont's ''concordat" bore its
legitimate results. The privateers Monsieur and Orandr
vitle had desired to sign the document, and to join
the squadron on equal terms with the other vessels, but
M- de Chaumont refused their request. "This arro-
gant conduct," wrote Jones, "caused general belief
among the Americans, particularly on board of the
Alliance^ that the squadron belonged neither to the
King or to Congress, but to the individuals who had
supplied the armament of the vessels, and who were
partners with M. de Chaumont in the expected profits
of the expedition."

The privateers therefore associated themselves with
the others by volimtary agreement only, and broke
their engagements to abide by Jones's orders at the
veiy first opportimity of securing a prize. The captain

Crxhse of the ''Bon Homme Richard."

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 433

of the Monsieur, which was the boarding vessel^ plun-
dered the Vervxigting during the night, and attempted
to obtain the prize for himself, without reference to his
conmiander-in-chief , by despatching it to Ostend under
orders written in his own name and with a crew from
his own vessel. Jones superseded these orders, and
manning the prize with some of his own men sent her
off to L'Orient with a letter to M. de Chamnont. The
offended captain of the Monsieur hxmg about in the
rear for twenty-four hours, and then disappeared under
cover of night and did not rejoin the squadron. On
the 23d, having taken several well-laden merchantmen
from Ireland, they sighted Cape Clear, at the extreme
southern point of the Irish coast, where they came up
with another prize. At this time Jones was confronted
with further difficulty due to his lack of authority over
his squadron, and was given another example of what
he n^ght expect from the strange captain of the AUir
ance. '' That afternoon being calm," wrote Jones in his
official record, ^'I sent some armed boats to take a
brigantine that appeared in the new quarter. Soon
after, in the evemng, it became necessaiy to have a
boat ahead of the ship to tow, as the helm could not
prevent her from laying across the tide of flood, which
would have driven us into a deep and dangerous bay
situated between the rocks on the south called the
Shallocks, and on the north called the Blaskets. The
ship's boat being absent I sent my own barge ahead
to tow the ship. The boats took the brigantine (she
was called the Fortune) which was bound with a caigo
of oil blubber and staves from New Foundland for

434 JOHN PAUL JONES

Bristol. This vessel I ordered to proceed immediately
for Nantes or St. Malo. Soon after sunset the vil-
lains who towed the ship cut the rope and decamped
with my baige. Sundry shots were fired to bring them
tO; without effect. In the meantime the Master of the
Bon Homme Richard, without orders, manned one of
the ship's boats, and with four soldiers pursued the
barge in order to stop the deserters. The evening was
clear and serene, but the zeal of that officer, Mr. Cut-
tmg Lunt, induced him to pmmie too far, and a fog
which came soon afterward prevented the boats from
rejoining the ship, although I caused signal guns to be
frequently fired. The fog and calm continued the next
day tin towards evening. In the afternoon Captiun
Landais came on board the Bon Homme Richard and
behaved towards me with great disrespect, affirming in
the most indelicate manner and language that I had
lost my boat and people through my imprudence in
sending boats to take a prize. He persisted in his re-
proaches though he was assured by Messrs. de Weibert
and Ghamillard that the barge was towing the ship at
the time of the elopement, and that she had not been
sent in pursuit of the prize. He was affronted because
I would not, on the day b^ore, suffer him to chase
without my orders, and to approach the dang^x)U8
shore I have already mentioned, where he was an en-
tire stranger, and where there was not suffici^it wnd
to govem a ship. He told me he was the only Ameri-
can in the Squadron and was determined to follow his
own opinion in chasing, when and where he thought
proper, and in every other matter that concerned the

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 435

service^ and that if we continued in that situation three
days longer the squadron would be taken."

The manner in which Jones met this violent attack
upon his judgment and authority is related in Colonel
Weibert's account^ of the occiurence, wherein he ex-
presses a very dear opinion of Landais's entirely im-
manageable character, and testifies to Jones's conciliar
tory attitude and admirable self-control.

Among the many dangers which gathered like mock-
ing fates about his devoted head none bore so fantastic

i"Comme depuis le Ckunpagne de 1779 fl y a eu des rapports
variee et sourdement repandus oontre le oaractere privd ou social
du Commodore Paul Jones, commandant cy devant FEscadre du Ban
Homme Richard^ et comme entre autres ouidires ou propoe mal f ondees,
il m'est parfois parvenu queo et officier avait donn6 un dementi formel
au Sr. TAndaifl cy devant Capitaine de VAUiamx relativement It la
perte du can6t en vue de la C6te d'Irlande. C'est porquoi je declare
et affirme que le Commodore Susdit, n'a jamais dit au dit Sr. Lan«
dais 'You He' (vous mentes) mais bien ks seuls et propres termes,
'it is an untruUi' quil It plu au Sr. Tjandais d'interpreter en un de-
menti formel n'ayant jamais pu vaincre son humeur facheuse, ojunifttre,
turbulante et insubordonee qu'il na oessd de montrer pendant toute la
Campagne dessus. Je oertifie en outre que le Commodore Paul Jones
bien loin de commander aveo hauteur et brutalite, comme il a plu It
certains de la faire croire, qu'il a toujours 6t6 quoique tres strict et vif
dans son service, doux, honnete, et tres indulgent non seulement vis k
vis de ses offiders, mais encore envers le matelot et soldat, qu'il a tou-
jours traits aveo humanity. Comme j'ai 6t6 temoin present de la
querelle cy dessus, je dois avouer en conscience, que le Sr. TAndais
y h donne beaucuop lieu par son ton arrogant, dont il s'en servit vis
a vis de son commandant, au paisible bonnes et honndtes raisons du
quel il n'a jamais voulu se rendre; bien au contraire, par ce que, le Sr.
Tjandais It repondu au Commodore, moi et le lieut. CoL Chamillard
tous les deux present dans ks termes les plus grossiers les plus insul-
tants, d'abord en Anglais quil rendait au plutot en Frangais, a fin que
le Sr. Chamillard n'igorait de rien. Toute la querelle cy dessus s'eet
pas86 dans la chambre de Poupe du Bon Homme Richard, le 23, au 29,
Aout, de L'annee cy dessus. Je conolue par dire, que le Sr. Titndais
accompagnait ou afiBrmait ses propos offensants et tres scandaleux par
ks gestes, les plus provoquant. Philadelphia, le 28 Novembre 1781."
— ^Lt. Colonel Weibert.

436 JOHN PAUL JONES

a shape as Landais. Accepted by the careless home
government without a question as to his antecedents,
this cashiered French officer was yet to run a long and
dangerous course before his eccentricities developed
into the madness which properly explained his char-
acter.

At this moment, when his presence in Jones's
strangely organized squadron boded the most serious
trouble, no one suspected that he was more than in-
sulting and insubordinate. Fortimate, indeed, if Jones
and his French officers had realized the truth and then
and there removed him from his command and placed
him in confinement.

Unwilling to abandon his officers and boat, Jones
now, with the advice and assistance of Captain Cot-
tineau, of the PdUas, prevailed with the commander
of the Cerf to go in search of them. From a later
extract from Jones's journal, it appears that ''Mr.
Limt perceived the Cerf on the day she was sent to
reconnoitre and gladly approached her. The Cerf
however moimted Finglish Colors and fired upon the
boat, when Mr. Lunt hastily retreated to the shore
where he was captured and recommitted to the con-
finement of an English jail from which he had so lately
been delivered, and where after some months he suc-
combed to his su£Ferings:"^

After the departure of the Cerf, Jones hung around
the coast in the greatest anxiety for several days,

^Thia extract is printed in Sands compilation; it is not found in
Jones's journal to Louis XVI, and must belong to a draft of the same
journal which was in the possession of Miss Taylor, and which is no kmger
inexistenoCf

"BON HOMME RICHARD'' AND "SERAPIS'' 437

awaiting her return with the barge, but the cutter aban-
doned the squadron and returned to France. This was
a serious loss, for she was the only properly armed
ship of his force. The loss of his third lieutenant with
twenty of his best Americans was even more unf ort-
imate, and his discouragement was further increased
by the disappearance of the second privateer, the
GrandviUe, which, having secured a prize, decamped
with it during the night.

The squadron was now reduced to four ships, the
Bon Homme Richard, the Alliance, the Pallas, and the
Vengeance; but Jones determined to lose no more time
in attempting to perform some important service, and
decided to steer his course aroimd the north coast of
Ireland, with the intention of intercepting a fleet of
eight East Indiamen which he learned were on their
way to London, but Landais, again insubordinate, re-
fused to assist him, and under cover of night separated
from the squadron.

Jones was now forced to abandon his plan, but steered
his course around Ireland, taking various prizes on the
way, when a few da3rs later — on the 31st — Landais again
put ia an appearance, bringing the Betsey, a valuable
West Indian, at the moment when Jones was in the
act of chasing another ship, the Union, laden with ship
supplies. By the 1st of September he had sailed
around the northerly end of Scotland outside the Ork-
ney Islands and into the North Sea. He had taken
many prizes, but was exceedingly anxious to make an
important attack upon the enemy's territory. He there-
fore requested the officers of his remaining vessels to

438 JOHN PAUL JONES

come on board the Bon Homme Richard to concert
future operations. Landais insolently refused, inform-
ing Mr. MeasC; Jones's purser, who had visited the
Alliance in the hope of bringing him to reason, that he
had the lowest opinion of the commander and would
meet him on shore, ^^ where they must kill one or the
other." Unwilling to give up the hope of gaining his
co-operation, Jones now requested Mr. Mease to take
Captain Ck)ttineau and Ck)lonel Chamillard on board
the Alliance^ beUeving that the persuasions of his coun-
trymen might prevafl with Landais. More than an
hour was wasted in fruitless argument, landais utterly
refusing to listen to the advice of his fellow-officers and
continuing his insulting remarks in r^ard to the
conmiodore.

At this juncture, as if to add to Jones's manifold
difficulties, a heavy gale arose which continued from
the 5th until the 13th of the month, during which
time Landais again gave them the sUp and went off to
follow his own devices. The squadron had been work-
ing to the southward and arrived off the eastern en-
trance of the Firth of Forth. And now, although em-
barrassed with the large number of prisoners from his
various prizes, Jones decided to attempt the execution
of his favorite plan of laying Leith and Edinburgh under
contribution, having heard from the captain of one of
their prizes that the naval force in the harbor of Leith
consisted of but one twenty-gun ship of war with three
or four cutters, and knowing that the town itself was
unprovided with batteries. He was again in familiar
waters and hoped to accomplish his object before

"BON HOMME RICHARD'' AND "SERAPIS" 439

the alarm of his presence had spread about the coast.
"His purpose," he wrote, "was to teach the enemy
humanity by some exemplary stroke of retaliation," to
relieve the Americans still in captivity in England, as
well as to make a diversion in the north in favor of
a formidable descent which he then expected would
have been made in the south side of Great Britain
imder cover of the great combined fleets of France and
Spain.

This formidable descent, which Jones hoped to favor
by making his attack upon the north, was none other
than the grand invasion planned by the French court
and intrusted to Lafayette. The great fleet under
D'Orvilliers, the hope of France and the visible result
of years of determined effort to restore its naval power,
had already been beaten back by contrary winds when
in sight of the English coast and, in company with
the Spanish ships, had anchored at Brest on the same
day on which Paul Jones appeared before the town of
Leith. Exposed to the most unheard-of privations,
half starved and decimated by disease, this great naval
force had become utterly disorganized and useless in
spite of its well-built ships, owing to the criminal care-
lessness or ignorance of M. de Sartine in its manner of
equipment. The joint ^cpedition originally planned
for Jones and Lafayette, with less pretence, would
imquestionably have escaped this disgraceful failure,
and might in all probability have succeeded in doing
some effectual service.

Having taken a small collier off the coast of Scotland,
and promising the captain to restore his ship as the

440 JOHN PAUL JONES

price of being piloted up the Firth of Forth, Jones
now summon^ the captains of the Pdllaa and the Venn
geance and urged their co-operation in his attack upon
Leith. He assured them that the town was defence-
lessi and that the two hundred pounds ransom which he
intended to demand might be gained without the small-
est danger, and, although he finally obtained then: con-
sent, he spent the whole night in persuasion, and so
much time was spent in '^pointed remarks and sag^
deliberations" that they lost the favorable wind, which
became contrary in the morning. He did not, how-
ever, abandon his design, but continued workmg to
windward up the Firth. On the afternoon of the 17th
the squadron was plainly seen from Edinburgh castle,
and it was high time to make the attack.

The memory of Jones's last visit to the coast of Scot-
land was by no means forgotten by the inhabitants,
and the rumor of his dreaded presence now spread
rapidly through the country, causing the wildest alarm.
Arms were distributed among the trades and an effect-
ual effort was made to erect batteries at Leith. Every
preparation had been made for the descent, and ar-
ticles of capitulation had been drawn up by Jones to
be signed by the magistrates of Leith, when suddenly
the adverse wind which had so often foiled his attacks
upon his native land rose to such violence that he was
obliged to bear away and run out of the Firth. One
of his prizes foundered in the heavy sea which rose
after the gale.

The coimtry had now been thoroughly aroused, and
knowing that Edinburgh, which was only a mile from

"BON HOMME RICHARD^' AND ''SEBAPIS^' 441

Leith, would surely send a body of troops for its pro-
tection, Jones realized that his last hope of surprising
the town was gone* The plan was similar in intent to
his attack upon Whitehaven; and had he been able to
attempt it on the preceding evening whfle the wind was
still favorable, he would have unquestionably suc-
ceeded; but the happy moment had passed, and he
therefore with many r^rets abandoned the cherished
and long-contemplated project. He had still another
project which he beUev^ could be successfully accom-
plished, but as it offered no material reward and his
associate captains had now become thoroughly alarmed
at the idea of remaining long in si^t of the enemy's
territory, they absolutely refused to support him. " The
enemy, Mr. Ck)ttineau said, would send against us
a superior force, and declared that if I obstinately con-
tinued two days longer we would surely be taken.''
Owing to the indiscretion of M. de Chaumont, the
duration and port of return for the cruise had been dis-
closed to Jones's associates, and they declared their in-
tention of steering without delay for the Texel. The
captain of the Vengeance announced that he and Coir
tineau would depart alone if Jones refused to join them.
In this predicament he still considered the feasibiUty
of carrying out his plan with his single ship. "Noth-
ing prevented me," he said, "from pursuing my de-
sign, but the reproach which would have been cast upon
my character as a man of prudence had the enterprise
miscarried."

The conclusion which arises from the explanation of
his conduct on this occasion is inevitable. The per-

442 JOHN PAUL JONES

sonal renown of any office should unquestionably be
subordinated to his desire to serve his country. In
many instances Paul Jones had shown his willingness
to sink his personal aims in the service of the common
cause. But in the unprecedented situation in which
he was now involved, shorn of eveiy shadow of au-
thority over his reluctant and insubordinate asso-
ciateS; he was betrayed into an exhibition of most
unusual hesitation, between his devotion to the coun-
tiy of his adoption and his regard for his reputation
which was then and always the leading motive of
his life*

It was now late in September, and the time allotted
for the cruise was fast drawing to a dose. Deserted
by most of his vessels and imsupported by his col^
leagues, Jones now steered for the last rendezvous of
his squadron off flamborough Head, hoping to find
there the Alliance and the Cerf. The r^on around
this triangular headland, which projects far out from
the east coast of England, was chosen by Jones as an
excellent cruising-ground, for the reason tiiat the coast-
wise vessels, forced out of their direct course, tend to
pass very close to the land in a favorable position for
attack. To the north of the head is the port of Scar-
borough, directly southwest is Bridlington Bay, and
thirty miles farther south another headland, the Spurn,
juts out at the mouth of the river Humber. Off these
several harbors Jones knew that he must meet with
numerous colliers and merchantmen, and, in q)ite of
the shortness of the time which still remained, hoped
against hope that he might still fall in with the ex-

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 443

pected Baltic fleet; the favorite object of Franklin's
plans, which he had been ordered to intercept at any
and every favorable opportunity.

Sailing down along-shore, on the 19th and 20th, he
took two sloops and a brigantine, sinking both sloops,
and on the 21st, having arrived off flamborough Head,
the PaUaa chased one sail toward the northeast, while
the Bon Homme Richard, followed by the Vengeance,
sailed around the point in pursuit of another which ap-
peared toward the south. ''The one I chased," said
Jones, ''a brigantine collier, belonged to Scarborough
and was soon taken and sunk immediately, as a fleet
then appeared to the southward. It was so late in the
day that I could not come up with the fleet before
night. At length, however, I got so near one as to
force her to run ashore between Flamborough Head
and the Spurn. Soon after I took another brigantine
from Holland, belonging to Sundeiland, and at day-
light the next morning, seeing another fleet steering
towards me from the Spurn, I imagined them to be
a convoy which had been for some time expected.
One of them had a pendant hoisted and appeared to
be a ship of force. They had not however courage to
come on, but put back (into the Humber) all but the
one which seemed to be armed, and that one also kept
to windward very near the land, and on the edge of
some dangerous shoals where I could not with safety
approach." Jones now signalled for a pilot, and two
came off, one of whom, mistaking him for an English-
man, furnished him with the private British signal
which the fleet had been ordered to obey. Immedi-

444 JOHN PAUL JONES

ately fljdng this signal, Jones now tried to decoy the
merchantmen out of the harbor, whither they had re-
treated, but failed in his attempt. He then decided
it to be imprudent to remain longer near this danger-
ous harbor, and steered north again toward Flam-
borough Head to rejoin the Pallas.

On the morning of the next day, the 23d, the weather
being calm and clear, Jones continued the business of
overhauling the merchant-ships which appeared from
every direction in those teeming waters. The brig
from Holland was not then in sight, so he tumed south-
west to chase a brigantine which appeared to wind-
ward. He had pursued her very near to the land,
when about noon he perceived a much larger ship
which appeared to the north off Flamborough Head.
He now armed one of the pflot-boats under Heniy
Limt, his second lieutenant, whom he sent off with a
party of fifteen to take the brigantine, which had come
to anchor in Bridlington Bay, and turning northeast
himself, he went off in chase of the laiger ship. Soon
after, at about one o'clock, he saw a fleet of forty-one
sail bearing N.N.E. around the projecting headland, and
at once made out that it was tiie Baltic fleet which he
had been so anxiously awaiting. He instantly called
back the pilot-boat and made signal for a general chase.
The fleet was preceded by two large ships of war, the
Serapia, Captain Pearson, and the Cownteaa of Scar-
borough. Hie captain of the Serapis had come at
daybreak dose in with Scarborough, where he was in-
formed of the presence of a hostile squadron which had
been seen standing southward on the previous day.

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 445

He therefore signalled the fleet to continue its course
out to sea and to leeward while he made all sail to wind-
ward to get between it and the ships of the enemy.
The convoy disregarded his signals and crowded all
saQ to round flamborough Head and escape, but
wheU; about noon, they caught si^t of Jones's squad-
ron, they suddenly tacked, let fly their topgallant
sheets, firing guns in token of distress, and fled like a
flock of frightened birds straight for the port of Scar-
borou^ As soon as Jones caught sight of the fleet
he signalled for his three ships to form in line of battle
to engage* The PaUaa and the Vengeance obeyed, the
PaUaa taking a position to leeward of the Bon Homme
Richard, and the Vengeance bringmg up the rear. But
Landais, in the Alliance, sailed on disregardfully past
the Serapis, near the shore and to windward, to await
events in safety.

The Serapia and the Bon Homme Richard were now
sailing in converging lines along the opposite shores
of the triangular headland, the Serapis heading south-
east, and the Richard northeast toward a point at sea
about two leagues from the shore. At one o'clock, as
Pearson related in his admiralty report, ''we got sight
of the enemy's ships from the masthead, and about
Four we made them plain from the deck to be three
large ships and a brig, upon which I made the Countess
of Scarborough a signal to join me, she being in shore
with the convoy. At Mve the Serapis brought to, to
await the CowUesa of Scarborough which joined a half
an hour later. At Six the two ships went about,
steermg westward in order to keep their ground better

446 JOHN PAUL JONES

between the enemies' ships and the convoy." Per-
ceiving their intention, Jones also tacked; turning
sharply at six points of the compass, so that he g^ed
in turn the weather-gaugGi and the advantageous posi-
tion between the English ships and the shore* Al-
though sailing almost directly before the wind, which
was S.S.W* from the land, the slow-fiailing Bon Homme
Richard did not come within hail until seven o'clock,
when she came to by the side of the iSeraj^is. ThePalr
las and the Vengeance were now lying some distance
to leeward, near the CowUesa of Scarborough, tiie
Alliance, out of gunshot to windward, and tiie Bon
Homme Richard was left alone with the Serapia. She
was an entii^ly new ship of war and on her first com-
mission; she was of improved and modem construction,
manned with a picked crew of three hundred and
twenty Englishmen, and commanded by a captain of
well-lmown courage and ability. The Bon Homme
Richard, with her motley and ill-assorted crew and her
makeshift armament, was a worn-out old Indiaman,
built for the carrying trade, slow sailing and unwieldy.
Although classed as a f orty-f oiur-gun ship the Serapis
actually mounted fifty; she had two covered decks,
twenty eighteen-pounders being placed on the lower
deck, and twenty nine-pounders on the main deck,
while above on the uncovered q)ar deck there were tea
six-pounders, throwing in all three hundred pounds.
The old-fashioned Bon Homme Richard, which had six
eighteen-pounders on the lower gun-deck, fourteen
twelve and fourteen nine-pounders on the main deck,
with ei^t six-pounders above, was no match for this

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 447

f onnidable antagonist, and as events disclosed after the
first broadside, had only the main-deck guns with three
on the quarter-deck with which to engage the enemy.
She had a high old-fashioned poop, on which Jones had
stationed Ck)lonel Chamillard and a body of French
marines, and veiy broad tops, fortunately capable of
carrying a large force of riflemen, which were under the
command of Lieutenant Stack, of the Irish regiment.
Her company, which originally amounted to three
hundred and eighty men, was reduced to not more
than three hundred by the absence of the various men
who had been detached to man the several prizes, and
by the loss of both the second and third lieutenants,
Heniy and Cutting Lunt, with their respective com-
panies. The latter, with two detachments of men who
had been captured off the coast of Ireland, represented
a serious loss, which was further augmented by the
absence of Henry Lunt with his fifteen good men, who
failed to obey Jones's signal to return to the ship after
the battle had begun. Thus Jones, at the moment of
engagement, found himself most unfortunately deprived
of two of his American officers, Richard Dale, his first
lieutenant and very able assistant, only remaining,
together with a few inexperienced subordinates and
petty officers.

Slowly, on that calm and beautiful autumn evening,
the sunlight faded over the green hills of England and
the dim curtains of the lingering twilight hung across the
sea. The transparent shadows of those northern lati-
tudes enveloped the approaching vessels, and a silence
fell upon the spectators who, at news of the imminent

448 JOHN PAUL JONES

engagement, had assembled in numbenst under the walls
of the Scarborough fort and upon the heights of Flam-
borough Head. The two vessels were now pointing on
the same tack in a northwesterly direction toward the
head, the Richard slightly in advance of the Serapis^
on the latter's port bow. (Position 1.) Both ships
had been prepared for action, with decks cleared and
courses hauled up, awaiting the signal to be^. At
the last moment a deep and breathless silence settled
down upon the Richard. The Serapia spoke first:
''What ship is that?" Hoping to drop farther toward
the stem of the enemy in a last moment of delay,
Jones answered, ''I can't hear what you say." Again
the Serapia hailed: ''Answer immediately or I shall be
under the necessity of firing upon you." Hie next
instant a blaze of fire burst simultaneously from both
the ships, announcing to the listening thousands that
the battle had begun; but when the fire from the
Serapia sank into momentary darkness, another scar-
let fibaft lit up the sea. Disaster, great enough to de-
cide the fate of the Bon Homme Richard and to cause
any other commander at that moment to give up the
battle, wrecked the lower gun-deck, where two of the
old eighteen-pounders, exploding at the first fire, killed
nearly every man at that station, blowing up a portion
of the main deck above and rending a great hole in
the hull. Instantly Jones recalled the few survivors
and ordered the ports to be closed.

The two ships were now abreast and the Serapis,
which had fired the first broadside with her quarter-
and main-deck guns, now unmasked a lower batteiy.

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 449

disclosing to the Richard that she was a double-decker
and more than her match.

"The battle now continued with unremitting fuiy,
and every method was practised on both sides to gain
an advantage and to rake each other, and I must con-
fess that the enemy several times gained thereby an
advantageous situation in spite of my best endeavor
to prevent it, as I had to deal with an enemy of greatly
superior force. I was under the necessity of closing with
him to prevent the advantage he had over me in point
of manoeuvre." Thus wrote Paul Jones in regard to
the first stages of the conflict, when he, as well as every
man on boiuxi his ship, realized that they were dealing
with an enemy which in men and metal was over-
whelmingly superior. Again and again Jones tried by
backing his topsails to get astern of the Serapis, but
with some of her braces shot away the slow-sailing
Richard responded feebly to her helm, and in spite of
every eflfort failed to execute the manoeuvre.

The first evolutions of the two combatants as they
feinted like gladiators for the advantage are lacking
in Jones's account, and are likewise omitted by Pearson
in his report to the Admiralty, with the evident in-
tention of minimizing the advantages of his greater
strength and speed. But Nathaniel Fanning, one of
Jones's midshipmen and his secretaiy, has supplied
the missing details: "The wind was now very light,
and our ship not under proper command, and the
Serapis outsailing us two feet to one, which advantage
the enemy discovered and improved, by keeping under
our stem and raking us fore and aft."

450 JOHN PAUL JONES

The two vessels thus successively backing their top-
sails to get astern of each other, the Richcard failing
and the Serapia succeeding, must have assumed at least
twice Position 3, as indicated in the diagram.

The Serapis now tried to cross ahead of the Richard
(Position 4), pouring a slanting fire into her lee quarter
and attempting to lay her athwart hawse (an incident
related by Dale and Fanning), but finding that he had
miscalculated his distance, and that the Richard would
be aboard of him, Pearson put his helm alee, which
brought the two ships in a line ahead (Position 5).
The Richard^a bow now running into the stem of the
Serapis, Jones seized the opportunity of closing with
the enemy, and ordering grappling-irons to be thrown
out, took command of a boarding-party to rush the
English ship, but was repulsed, seeing with infinite
chagrin his grappling-irons lose their hold and fall
into the sea (Position 6). Pearson now again (accord-
ing to his narrative, which is clear and detailed from
this point), ''backed his top sails to get even with him
again" (Position 7).

At this stage of the battle, after nearly an hour of
broadsiding, the helpless Richard was in reality a beat-
en ship. Ck)lonel Chamillard, seeing nearly every one of
his men killed, abandoned his station at the poop and
retired to the quarter-deck.

The entire battery of twenty-eight twelve and nine-
pounders on the main deck, manned by a picked com-
pany of Americans and marines under Dale and Wei-
bert, on which Jones had placed his chief dependence,
was silenced. The hole in the Richard^ $ side, made by

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"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 451

the explosion of the guns on the lower gun-deck; had
now been so enlarged by the incessant fire of the enemy's
terrible eighteen-pounders, which crashed almost with-
out resistance through her ancient timbers, that an
enormous chasm gaped wide between the main-mast
and the stem, with only a few stanchions remaining to
keep the upper decks from collapsing into the hull.
The main deck thus lay open to the wind and waves
so widely that a coach-and-six could have driven
through from side to side. The shattered hulk of the
Bon Homme Richard, with the slightest rise of wind or
sea, would soon have plunged beneath the waves. At
this appalling moment, while the hull of the helpless
ship was being literally knocked to pieces by the great
guns of the enemy's lower batteries, the men fell by
scores under the hail of musketry and the sweeping fire
of grape-shot from the guns of the enemy's poop and
forecastle. Every gun on the Bon Homme Richard
had been silenced except the three nine-pounders on
the quarter-deck, where Paul Jones stood giving his
orders for a last attempt to lay the enemy's ship on
board. One single hope remained: the last desperate
possibility that he could force the disabled and doomed
vessel across the bows of the Serapia.

In that moment of agonized suspense, while Pearson
was dropping back to get abreast of his enemy, the
Richard fortunately blanketed the sails of the Serapia
and slowly forged ahead. All now depended on the
wind, that capricious wind which had so often thwarted
Jones's well-laid plans. Would it fail him now?

The guns of the Serapia had made several holes in

452 JOHN PAUL JONES

the Richard^ s hull 'twixt wind and water, and the hold
began to fill, but still the ship bore on, slowly but
surely answering to the helm. And suddenly the wind
whispered in her sails. ''Our helm was put hard a
weather then/' sajrs Fanning, ''the mam and top sails
then braced back, a fresh flaw of wind swelling them
at the same instant, which shot our ship quick aheadi
and the Serapis ran her jibboom between our starboard
mizzen shrouds."

Jones at the same time cried out: "Well done, my
brave lads, we have got her now." "Instantly the
Serapis let go an anchor, hoping that the RuJiarcCs
headway would tear the ships apart, by means of which
they would have escaped," as Jones relates, "had I not
made them well fast to the Bon Homme RichardJ^ At
last, after long months of waiting, Jones had his chance,
the one possible desperate chance which he had long
coimted on to win his victory in spite of every disad-
vantage. One was enough for him, and history tells
how he improved it. From this point on b^gan that
unequalled exhibition of personal ascendency which
has made the fame of Paul Jones and given the re-
nowned engagement its imique place in the annals of
naval warfare. And this moment, when he at last gr^>-
pled with his enemy, was at once the crisis and the
climax of his career. Springing like a cat upon his
prey, he ordered Stacy to bring him a hawser, and as
the officer, fumbling at the knot, let fall a sailor's oath,
Jones took it from his hand, making the enemy's jib-
stay fast to the mizzen-mast of the Richard, saying
gravely: "Don't swear, Mr. Stacy; we may at the next

I

i

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 453

moment be in eternity, but let us do oiu* duty." The
two ships now swung to the wind and tide. The Seror
pis, under the action of the wind in her after-sails, was
turned stem to the north, her bowsprit breaking off
at the same time, so that the two ships swung head to
stem and the fluke of the Serajns^s spare anchor hook-
ing the Richard^ 8 quarter, they lay close together with
yards interlocked and the muzzles of their guns touch-
ing each other's sides.

"A novelty in naval combats was now presented,"
as Dale relates, "to many witnesses but few admirers,
and the rammers were run into the respective ships to
enable them to load, to make room for running out the
guns." The captain of the Serapis now gave orders to
shift his gunners to the starboard batteries, which had
not heretofore been brought into action; their port-
sills, still lowered and pressed closely against the Richr
ard'a side, were therefore blown out and crashed with the
first discharge into the hull of the American ship. But
now, although the incessant thunder of the enemy's
guns roUed in deafening explosions undemeath the
trembling boards on which he stood, although his ship
was leaking like a sieve and instant destruction waited
on each moment, Jones with perfect cahnness prepared
to make the most of his desperate opportunity, of beat-
ing his enemy at close quarters. The purser, Mr.
Mease, who had commanded the guns on the quarter-
deck, dangerously wounded, was removed to the cock-
pit, and Jones took his place, rallying with great diffi-
culty a few frightened men, who with his aid finally
succeeded in bringing over one of the lee guns across

454 JOHN PAUL JONES

the bloody deck; so that they had all three available
for use against the enemy.

It was now eight o'clock^ and a round harvest moon
lit up the scene. By her bright light they could see
the main-mast of the Serapis standing out blackly dear
amid the interlocking yards of the two ships. Against
this Jones himself directed the fire of one of the guns,
loading it with double-headed shot, while the other two,
as he relates, ''were exceedingly well served with grape
and cannister shot to silence the enemies' musketiy and
to clean her decks.'' And now, thronging up from the
subterranean vaults of the Richard, Dale and his marines
came to Jones's assistance and directed a skilful fire
against the men upon the exposed decks of the Serapis.

The fire from the tops which had been bravely
sustained throughout the whole action also seconded
Jones's little batteiy, driving the gunners from the ene-
my's quarter-deck and forecastle, and by sheer force
of superior marksmanship silenced the enemy's mus-
ketry and finally cleared her decks. At this point, as
Jones was afterward informed, Pearson had decided to
strike, when the carpenter of the Richard, who was at
the pumps and had seen one of them disabled by a
shot from the enemy, cried out that the ship might sink
at any moment. The master-at-arms, hearing at the
same instant that Jones and Dale had both been killed,
and believing that he was now in conmiand, rushed up
from below with the carpenter and a gunner to haul
down the flag. The flag, fortunately, was gone — shot
away with the ensign staff, and the cowards bawled
for quarter.

"BON HOMME RICHARD'' AND "SERAPIS" 455

''What scoundrels are these?" cried Jones, throw-
ing both his pistols at the head of the gunner and fell-
ing him as he fled in terror toward the gangway. Back
also went the master-at-arms and the carpenter, skulk-
ing to their posts. But now, at the sound of the
ciy for quarter, Pearson himself called out to Jones
addng if he had struck.

"I have not yet b^gun to fight,*' was the reply
which flashed back, vivid and sharp as a lightning
stroke from out the battle-douds — a reply as char-
acteristic of the man as of the moment, and justly
renowned.

Any other commander of ordinary hmnan mould
would at such a moment, with silenced guns and riddled
ship, have accepted defeat; but Jones knew that at
last he had an advantage over his terrible antagonist,
and while the Richard remained afloat he determined
to use it to the last possible instant. For a new form
of naval battle was about to be tried out to the aston-
ishment of his enemy and the amazement of posterity
— a battle not of cannon but of musketiy, and in
this, his own invention, Jones knew that he had his
opportunity and a desperate chance of success. Driven
from the exposed decks by the shrewd musket-fire of
Dale and his marines, the whole force of the Serapis,
which was now massed at the protected batteries below,
still poured their fire against the hull of the Richard,
but ^e great shot of the eighteen-pounders now passed
without resistance through the abandoned main deck
of the American ship, falling harmlessly into the sea
beyond, while the crew of the Richard, driven up from

466 JOHN PAUL JONES

below and swarming on the quarter-deck and in the
tops, poured a continuous musket-fire and an incessant
rain of hand-grenades and combustibles of all sorts
upon the exposed decks of the enemy.

The men in the Richard's tops, passing freely over
the interlocking yards, invaded the tops of the enemy
itself, and after a sharp battle in the air, dislodged the
Englishmen and gained a position in the main-top of
the Serapis, commanding the whole extent of the shq>
from quarter-deck to forecastle. At this desperate mo-
ment, standing almost alone upon the fire-swept deck,
Pearson assembled a party from below and attempted
to board the Richard, but was met by a determined
and superior force of picket-men headed by Jones him-
self, who succeeded in beating them off.

At this point there came a lull in the continuous roar
of the cannon and the deadly rain of combustibles, for
both ships took fire from the explosion of the hand-
grenades, and all hands ceased fighting and helped
to extinguish the flames. The rotten timbers of the
Richard, soaked with tar and oakimi, blazed persistently
in spite of all the water which was thrown upon them.
The Serajns was on fire in no less than twelve places,
with her whole starboard side ablaze, while above in
both ships the light sails and rigging were also on fiie,
the flames spreading rapidly from one ship to the other,
until at last, as Fanning relates, ''Our mainmast also
took fire, causing the greatest consternation, and the
water which we had in a tub in the fore part of the top,
was expended without extinguishing the flames. We
then had recourse to oiu* coats and jackets, which in a

Captain Paul Jones SnBDtnNQ a Sailor who Attempted

TO Strike His Colors in the Engaceuent

WITH THE "Serapis."

Froni a print In the collectjon of Mr. Charles A. Munn.

''BON HOMME RICHARD'' AND "SERAPIS'' 457

short time smothered it/' The action was now resumed
with added fuiy, and again those flaming airy heights
poured fiery death upon the enemy's decks. Again
the thin scream of musket-balls sang its treble accom-
paniment to the rolling thunder of the guns.

Below, the riddled hulk of the Richard was a chaos of
corpses and broken guns, a charnel-house of flame and
death, belching from her blood-stained chasms suffo-
cating smoke-clouds and blinding jets of fire; above,
the mad carnage raged among the bodies of the slain;
the swarming motley crew, transformed by the courage
of their commander into fearless battle-fiends, grasped
eveiy possible weapon, firing out of the flame-stained
smoke-clouds full in the faces of the enemy, and with
pikes and lances striking at their antagonists across the
nettings and through the open port-holes. Among
them, hatless, powder-stained, Jones stood at his gun,
cheering them on with his great voice, and again bend-
ing to send his deadly fire against the main-mast of the
enemy.

The fire of the guns, the mounting flames from the
two burning vessels, as they battled in a death embrace
amid the rolling smoke-clouds, lit up the sea, and the
silent shore gave back the reverberating echoes of the
deadly orchestra of war.

This mad contest had raged for about an hour when
a black shape appeared suddenly out of the darkness,
and amid the smoke-clouds they perceived another
ship, the AUiance, coming at last, as they supposed, to
their assistance. ''I thought now that the battle was
at an end," said Jones, '^but to my utter surprise he

458 JOHN PAUL JONES

dischaiged a broadside full into the Bon Homme Rich-
ard. We called to him for God's sake to stop firing
into the Bon Homme Richard. There was no possi-
bility of his mistaking the enemy's ship for the Ban
Homme Richard, there being the most essential differ-
ence in their appearance and construction; besides it
was full moonlij^t; and the sides of the Bon Homme
Richard being all black, and the sides of the prize were
yellow, yet for the greater security I showed the signal
of our reconnaisance by putting out three lanthoms, one
at the head, another at the stem, and the third in the
middle, in a horizontal line. Eveiy tongue cried out
that he was firing into the wrong ship, but nothing
availed." "My situation now," he continues, '*was
really deplorable. The leak gained on the pumps, and
the fire increased on board both ships." A few mo-
ments after this treacherous attack the AUiance, passing
to leeward across the bow of the Richard, sank like
an evil apparition into the surrounding darkness; and
again the contest intermitted while both crews essayed
to extinguish the fire. Then another danger fiercer
than fire itself sprang like fury at the throat of
the American commander. Panic, inhuman, bestial,
roared and surg^ about him, for the five hundred
maddened English prisoners, released at this moment
by the treacherous master-at-arms, now rushed up from
below shrieking that the ship was sinking. Only the
power of the beast-tamer — quick as light, magnetic,
unwavering — could have saved Jones now. With
sublime audacity and instant presence of mind, he
ordered them to the pumps, telling them that it was

"BON HOMME RICHARD'^ AND "SERAPIS'' 459

the Serapis which was sinkiiig, and that their lives de-
pended upon keeping the Richard afloat. They obeyed,
this overwhehning force of Englishmen which at that
moment could have captured the Richard and delivered
her over to the enemy, and, conmianded by Dale, who
had courageously assisted Jones at this crisis, retired
to the pumps and there remained. One man only, the
captain of the Union, braver than the rest, escaped
over the bulwarks, informing Pearson of the desper-
ate plight of the Richard, and advising him to hold
out a little longer, for she would surely be compelled
to strike. But now the fortune of the battle which
had been turning surely toward the English suddenly
favored Jones. The captain of the /Serapis, taking heart
from the encoiu'aging message he had received, still
stood on the deck, momentarily expecting the surrender
of the Ban Homme Richard. He was once more alone,
having ordered all hands again to retire to the protected
decks and to continue firing into the Richard's hull,
bdieving that a few more broadsides would surely sink
her. But even there, ''under the protection of the
decks,'' as Dale relates, ''they were not more seciue.''
An American sailor, creeping out to the extreme end
of the main-yard of the /Serapis, threw with shrewd aim a
hand-grenade down upon the hatchway, where, glancing
inward, it fell into the midst of a line of cartridges on the
main deck, which had been carelessly laid there by the
powder monkeys. Some of the cartridges were broken,
and the scattered powder took fire, blazing from one
cartridge to another all the way aft, producing a terri-
fying and fatal explosion. "The effect was tremen-

460 JOHN PAUL JONES

dous/' said Dale, "more than twenty men were blown
to pieces, and many stood with only the collars of their
shirts upon their bodies/'

This was the actual turning-point, for now panic
seized upon the enemy, which was increased by the
second appearance of the Alliance, which, saiUng back
again very close under the stem of the Richard, poured
a deadly scattering fire of grape-shot into the two
vessels as they lay closely bound together bow and
stem. After firing this broadside at the two vessels,
the AUiance now passed around the off side of the
Richard, still firing, and finally across her bow, where
she killed several men, including Mr. Caswell, whose
station was in the forecastle.

The second appearance of the AUiance, which was
now dealing death to friend and foe alike, hastened the
issue of the conflict, and was perhaps the final reason of
Pearson's surrender, for he knew that in her unharmed
condition the AUiance could easily have destroyed him,
bound helplessly as he was to his unyielding enemy.
But the broadsides of the AUiance, firing into the un-
protected sides of the Richard with fatal low-aimed
shots, and killing the men upon her exposed decks, were
dealing worse destruction to her consort. Most of the
enemy's forces were below and in no danger from the
shots of the AUiance, which never came under the guns
on her disengaged side. But neither of the ships could
bring a single gun to bear upon the AUiance, and
Jones's officers also believed that it was time to give up
the fight. "Some of the officers," he wrote, "in whose
courage and comlnon sense I entertained the hi^est

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 461

opinion, persuaded me to strike; I would not however
give up the point."*

That deathless valor which could not break nor 3rield,
which had withstood what again and again had seemed
inevitable defeat, now had its deserved reward. Jones
still stood motionless upon the quarter-deck, his eyes
fixed narrowly upon the main-mast of the Serapis,
against which he had potired his ceaseless fire, and at
last he saw that it b^an to shake. His practised ear
discerned that the fire of the enemy was decreasing,
and in a last rally he cheered his men to redoubled
efforts. " Our fire increased," he wrote, '* and the Brit-
ish colors were struck at one half hour past ten o'clock."

So fell the flag of England, struck by Captain Pear-
son's own hand, as none of his people would venture
aloft upon the duty; they were afraid of the American
marksmanship.

'^ On finding that the flag of the Serapis had struck,"
Dale's narrative continues, ''I went to Captain Jones
and asked whether I might board the Serapis, to which
he consented, and jumping upon the gunwale seized
the main brace pennant and swung myself upon the
quarterdeck. Midshipman Mayrant followed with a
party of men and was immediately run through the
thigh with a boarding pike by some of the enemy sta-
tioned in the waist, who had not been informed of the

> Pvhlie AdvertueTf October 20, 1776: "One of the men escaped from
Paul Jones says that in the engagement with the Serapia, Jones, almost
exhausted with fatigue, sat down upon a hen coop. The Lieutenant
of Marines went up to him and said, 'For God's sake, Captain, strikel'
Jones looked at hhn, paused a moment, then leaped up from his seat
and said, 'No, I will sink| I will never stirike.'"

462 JOHN PAUL JONES

surrender of their ship. I found Captam Pearson
standing on the leeward side of the quarterdeck, and
addressing myself to him said, 'Sir, I have orders to
send you on board the ship alongside/ The first lieu-
tenant of the Serapia coming up at this moment, in-
quired of Captain Pearson whether the ship alongside
had struck to him. To which I replied, 'No Sir, the
contrary, she has struck to us.' The lieutenant, renew-
ing the inquiry, 'Have you struck, sir?' was answered,
'Yes, I have.' The lieutenant replied, 'I have nothing
more to say,' and was about to return below when I
informed him he must accompany Captain Pearson on
board the ship alongside. He said, 'H you will permit
me to go below I will silence the firing of the lower
deck guns.' This request was refused, and with Cap-
tain Pearson he was passed over to the deck of the
Bon Homme Richard. Orders being sent below to cease
firing, the engagement terminated after a most obsti-
nate contest of three hours and a half."

After Captain Pearson had surrendered his ship, he
made his way with the officer to the deck of the Bon
Homme Richard and inquired for Captain Jones. "It
is painful to me," he said, as he jdelded up his sword to
the American captain, "that I must resign this to a
man who has fought with a halter around his neck."
To this insolent speech Jones replied with a compli-
ment, saying: "Sir, you have foi^t like a hero, and
I make no doubt that your sovereign will reward you
in a most ample manner." The remainder of this con-
versation, as reported by Fanning, disclosed that the
Englishman was shamed into a more courteous atti-

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 463

tude by the gallantly of his victorious opponent. Ci^
tain Pearson then asked Jones what countrymen his
crew principally consisted of . The latter said American.
"Very well/' said the former, "it has been diamond cut
diamond/'

The lashings were now cut which bound the two ves-
sels together, when the mast of the Serapis, which had
only been sustained by the interioddng yards of the
Richard, went overboard, carrying the mizzen-mast
with it. Jones now placed Dale in command of the
Serapis with orders to follow the Bon Homme Richard.
On going on board the prize and giving directions to
back the ship to the rear of the Richard, Dale was as-
tounded to find that the Serapis would not answer,
although the head sails were aback and no afternsail
set. In the greatest excitement Dale jumped off the
binnacle, where he had been sitting, to investigate the
reason of the extraordinaiy drcmnstance, and fell head-
long to the deck. A splinter from one of the guns had
badly wounded his leg, but he had been unconscious of it
imtil that moment. The sailing-master of the Serapis
now accosted Dale, informing him that he judged by
his orders that he was ignorant that the ship was at
anchor, another fact which had escaped his attention.
Henry Lunt had by this time made his appearance and
was on board the prize, and to him Dale gave orders
to go below to cut the cable and take command of the
Serapis, when he was carried on board the Bon Homme
Richard to have his wound dressed.

The battle with the English was now over, and the
beautiful Serapis, dismantled and beaten, lay at the heel

464 JOHN PAUL JONES

of her victor. "I had yet two enemies to encounter,
far more formidable than the British, fire and water/'
wrote Jones. The smouldering timbers of the Richard
again burst into flame, and the fire raged persistently,
at one time approaching within a few inches of the
powder-magazine, when, fearing that the ship would
blow up, Jones ordered the powder to be thrown over-
board, while all hands worked through the night to ex-
tinguish the flames, succeeding at last in subduing them.
''With respect to the situation of the Bon Homme
Richard/^ Jones's narrative continues, ''the rudder was
entirely cut away from the stem frame, the timbers of
the lower deck especially, from the main mast to the
stem being greatly decayed with age, were mangled be-
yond my powers of description, and a person must have
been an eye witness to form a just idea of the tre-
mendous scene of the carnage, wreck and ruin which
everywhere appeared. I was determined to keep the
Bon Homme Richard afloat and if possible to bring
her into port.'' The pumps were now manned with a
double force of men from the PaUas, who worked with
unremitting zeal, but in spite of their utmost efforts,
the water gained in the hold, entering by the great
holes which were in the bow, caused by the shots of the
Alliance and by eveiy gaping aperture of the riddled
ship. At last, after a careful examination, the car-
penters announced that it was impossible to stop the
holes, and Jones was convinced that with the slightest
rise of the wind it would be impossible to bring the
ship into port, so he gave orders to immediately
begin the busmess of removing the wounded. Until

''BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 465

this was accomplished, he commanded the English pris-
oners to remain on board, but, superior as they were in
niunbers to the guard which was left on the ^p, they
succeeded in getting her head to the land, toward which
a fresh breeze was now blowing. Unarmed, they were
subdued after a struggle, two of them being shot in
the mSl^ and a niunber eventually succeeding in get-
ting hold of a boat and escaping to the shore.

The day of the 24th was passed in transferring the
wounded to the Serapis, and the next day, the wind
blowing fresh, Jones realized that it was impossible to
keep the ''good old ship from sinking.'' All day the
PaUas stood by her, while the water steadily rose and
finally filled the hold. At nine it became necessary to
abandon her, and at ten she rolled, settling forward,
and went down bows first, her stem and mizzen-mast
rising out of the waves, and the next instant, as Jones
wrote, "I saw with inexpressible grief the last glimps
of the Bon Homme RichardJ^ The instrument and sac-
rifice of her captain's renown, her shattered hulk was a
glorious receptacle for the bodies of the brave who had
so desperately defended her.

In regard to the conduct of the captains of the three
other ships, Cottineau, of the PaUas, alone behaved
with proper professional skill or courage, and by his
excellent handling of his slow-sailing merchant-ship,
succeeded in taking the Countess of Scarborough. Al-
though superior in guns to his smaller but infinitely
better-built antagonist, he was met by a stubborn re-
sistance, and only captured his prize after an hour's
hard fighting. This loyal and eflBicient assistance at

466 JOHN PAUL JONES

the hour of battle went far to atone for the cautious
serve which he had shown in his refusal to assist Jones
in plans which appeared to his slow and less inspired
judgment to be unwise. Captain Bicot, of the Ven-
geance, held off discreetly in the rear and took no part
in the contest; no more did Mr. Henry Lunt with his
fifteen men, who also held off, '^thinking it was not
prudent to approach the ship during the engagement/'
although after the ships had grappled it must alwa3r8
have been feasible to board the disengaged side of the
Richard. Mr. Lunt lived probably to bitterly r^ret
his decision, and to suffer with unavailing sorrow the in-
effaceable stain upon his reputation.

The conduct of the captain of the AUiance, recalci-
trant and insulting from the first, developed on this
occasion into a imique exhibition of cowardice and
treachery which afterward occasioned a serious investi-
gation and brought about his ultimate ruin.

The track of the AUiance, from the first moment
when the squadron perceived the Baltic fleet, gives a
truthful representation of the mental processes of the
man who directed it. Disregarding Jones's orders for
forming in line to engage, Ijandais bore on with his
superior speed past the commodore's ship directly
toward the Serapis, giving the impression that at last
he was about to exhibit a proper spirit and to engage
the enemy with the vessel which was in every respect
better fitted to meet her. The hopes of the officers
who watched his coiu*se were soon disappointed, for he
sailed by the Serapis, taking a position out of gunshot,
where he could watch events in safety. From this

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 467

position he viewed the conflict until the moment when
the two ships had been lashed together and were bat-
tling in their death embrace.

Perfectly conscious of the desperately wounded con-
dition of his consort, and perceiving plainly the murder-
ous broadsides of the enemy, which were belching de-
struction from her double decks against the silent and
helpless sides of the Richard, he saw that the two combar
tants, secured as they were by the anchor of the Serapis,
remained motionless in one place. He then sailed
toward them out of pistol-shot, and poured a deliberate
fire with grape-shot, which he knew would scatter, full
into the stem of the Richard and the bow of the Seror
pis, although he was perfectly aware that by approach-
ing nearer he could fire accurately into the enemy
without danger to the Richard. After this he bore on
to see what had happened to the PaUaa; he found that
she had captured the Countess of Scarborough, and hail-
ing first one vessel and then the other, he sailed hesi-
tatingly round and round them both, until Cottineau
asked him whether it was his intention to take chai^
of the prize and permit him to go to the assistance of
the disabled flag-ship, or whether he would go to
Jones's aid himself.

Every moment in that desperate battle was fraught
with fate to the Richard, but determined that Cottineau
should be prevented from helping Jones, Landais finally
stood off again toward his consort; sailing discreetly far
out of the range of the enemy's guns on her disen^tged
side, he came around the stem and larboard side of the
Richard, so closely at last that he was not more than

468 JOHN PAUL JONES

three points abaft her beam, when, in spite of the signals
of reconnoissance which Jones had hung out after his
first broadside, in spite of the chorus of voices which
implored him not to sink them, he poured a second
full broadside of deadly low-aimed shots under the
water, full into her helpless hull, continuing his course
imtil he was in front of the Richard's bow, whai he
poured his third broadside into the prow of his consort.

His reasons for these actions are only too dear. He
intended to keep out of all danger to himself. He
wished and intended to sink the Bon Homme Rickard
and to capture the Serapis, which was already beaten
by Jones, and thus claim the credit for himself. Among
the several points to which the officers of the Bon
Homme Richard and the Alliance alike testified in the
accusations which were formally drawn up against Pierre
Landais are two statements, one made by Weibert and
one by Stack and McCarthy, of the Irish raiment, tes-
tifying that Landais had acknowledged that in firing
at both the vessels he had purposely used grape-shot,
which he knew would scatter, and that he ''thought it
no harm if the Bon Homme Richard had struck, for it
would have given him an opportimity to retake her and
to take the SerapisJ'

The evident fact that his final appearance was a
factor in Pearson's surrender was persistently claimed
by Landais as the cause of the victory, and he main-
tained from the hour of the battle until the close of his
dishonored life that it was he who had taken the
Serapis. The cmrning of the demi fou, to wbicii dan-
gerous class of afflicted hmnanity Pierre Tiandais un-

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 469

questionably belonged, is shown in all of his actions,
together with the suspicion, cowardice, and treachery
which represented the controlling elements in his hope-
lessly deranged and malignant character. His conduct
in refusing to come to the assistance of his sinking
consort after the battle was over was an action whose
import, admitting of no discussion or defence whatever,
adds the clearest sort of corroborative testimonym re-
gard to the treacherous motives which directed his con-
duct during the engagement, and to the persistent hos-
tility of his attitude toward Jones from the b^inning
of the cruise. The ultimate results of his conduct were
far from carrying out his animosity toward Jones, for
the credit of the capture of the Serapis remained wholly
with the man whom he considered to be his rival,
and his desertion and treacherous attitude served to
enhance the glory of Jones's victory. When he received
orders through Captam Ricot, of the Vengeance, to take
a position astern of the Bon Homme Richard in the
return voyage, he told Ricot insolently to ''go tell the
commodore that he may go where he pleases.''

The results of the renowned engagement, in the mat-
ter of killed and wounded, are impossible to calculate
with accuracy, owing to the confessedly incomplete ac-
count which was sent in by the suigeon of the Serapis
to the admiralty. This report admits to seventy-five
wounded, of which eight died of their injuries, but
Pearson states in his report that there were many more
whom he had been unable to account for. Jones states
that the number of wounded in the Serapis was more
than a hundred, and that the killed were probably as

470 JOHN PAUL JONES

numerous. As the victor and guardian of the prisoners
and wounded of the prize, he was in a better position
to know their number than Pearson. Jones reported
the loss on the Richard to have been forty-nine killed
and sixty-seven wounded out of his crew, which by the
loss of the barge and the two companies of men under
Cutting and Henry Lunt, amounted to three hundred
at the time of the engagement.

The records of the Bon Homme Richard w^:e badly
kept, due probably to the absence of Jones's two officers,
and in the haste of removing the wounded were lost
when the ship went down. The Countess of Scar-
borough lost four killed and twenty wounded. The loss
on the Pallas was slight, and neither the AUiance nor the
Vengeance had one man killed or one gun disabled.

The method which Paul Jones pursued in the engage-
ment was up to that time entirely unprecedented in
the history of naval warfare. Conscious of the hope-
less inferiority of the old, worn-out, and imseaworthy
ship under his command, he had filled her to overflow-
ing with a far larger crew than was at that time the
custom, relying on his chance of grappling with the
fast-sailing war-ships of England, and the hope of
winning victory by an overwhelming fire of mudcetry.
To this end also he had well lined his tops, and sup-
plied his ship with a large variety of combustibles.
This method, invented by Paul Jones, was gloriously
Mowed by Nelson in his immortal engagements; but
the credit of the conception must slways remain with
its inventor.

The account of the battle as written by the two cap-

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 471

tains of the opposing vessels disagrees in no important
particular, except in the amount of damage done to the
Serapis by the AUiance, Pearson asserting that her
broadsides caused him to surrender, while Jones ex-
pUcitly states that the AUiance killed but one man on
board the Serapis. Otherwise the two reports are
ahnost identical as to the succeeding stages of the
conflict. The account of Richard Dale, written at the
request of Sherburne some forty years after the battle,
although seamanlike and very interesting, differs some-
what from the reports of Pearson and Jones, for the
evident reason that Dale's memory had not preserved
all the details, and also from the fact that diuing the
first stages of the battle he was at his station below on
the main deck, and therefore not a witness of the first
part of the engagement. His account of the first evo-
lutions of the ships is therefore not to be implicitly
relied on, and certainly not to be taken in preference
to those of Jones and Pearson. He states that the Bon
Homme Richard passed before the first broadside across
the forefoot of the Serajris, and that the Serapis, after
the first broadside, went in turn across the bows of the
Richard. These statements are both incorrect. Sail-
ing northeast along the lower side of the triangular
promontory of flamborough Head to meet the Serapis,
which was sailing down southeast along the upper
side of the triangle, the two ships both turned their
heads sharply toward land, the Richard '^bringing to,"
as Pearson explicitly states, on the port side of the
Serapis. At no time previous to the final execution of
the manoeuvre of lajdng the enemy athwart hawse, at

472 JOHN PAUL JONES

the moment when Jones succeeded in grappling the
enemy; did the Richard pass across the forefoot of the
Serajris. At no time did the Serapis pass entirely
across the forefoot of the Richard, altilioiigh once Pear-
son attempted the manoeuvre, as shown in Position 4
of the diagram. The first manoeuvres of the ships as
mentioned above were imfortunately omitted in the
reports of the respective commanders, but the Serapis,
by her superior sailing and facility in handling, suc-
ceeded in getting behind the Richard^ % stem and in
raking her several times.

In the account of the conflict written by Admiral
Mahan, the author takes note of the statement of Nar
thaniel Fanning, that the Serapis succeeded several
times in raking the Richard, but remarks that if this
occurred, it did not necessarily prove that the Serapis
ever crossed over to the port side of the Richard.
Other proofs that this manoeuvre was never executed,
and that the starboard range of guns was not brought
into play until the Richard had grappled with the en-
emy and passed to her other side, are found in the
statement that the port-sills of the starboard side of the
Serapis had not been raised, and were blown out in the
first fire, which took place when the two ships had been
lashed together head and stem; as well as by the many-
times attested and corroborated statement of the offi-
cers in regard to the manoeuvres of the Alliance, which
indicate with absolute certainty and great lucidity that
the Serapis was never on the port side of the Richard.

In article 19^ of the charges against Landais, it is

* Appendix G.

"BON HOMME RICHARD'' AND '^SERAPIS" 473

stated that "as the most dangerous shots which the
Richard received under water were under the larboard
(port) bow and quarter, they must have come from
the AUiance, for the Serapis was on the other sideJ^ " As
Landais's honor, if not his Ufe/' Admiral Mahan con-
tinues, "was at stake in these chai^ges, it is not to be
supposed that his officers, besides two French marine
officers, four of whom were especially well situated for
seeing, would have made this statement if the Serapis
had at any time been in a position to fire those shots."
The weight of this testimony is so conclusive that the
present writer has seen no reason for discrediting the
account of Nathaniel Fanning, who was in the tops
from the b^inning of the engagement, and who has
alone furnished the details of the first manoeuvres of
the Serapis when she succeeded in keeping behind the
Richard and raking her stem.

The fact that all of Colonel Chamlllard's men on the
poop were immediately cut off is in itself strong evi-
dence of a repeated fire against the rear of the vessel.
Mr. Caswell, on the forecastle, was killed two hours
later, when the AUiance passed across the bow of the
Richard.

The opinions of Jones's co-officers were warmly ap-
preciative and lack nothing of the proper meed of
honor which they immediately recognized as his due.
Richard Dale, with whom Jones enjoyed the closest
relations, and who referred to his glorious commander
in intimate terms of affectionate admiration until the
close of his life, gives him full measure of credit for the
victory:

474 JOHN PAUL JONES

''From the commencement mitil the termination of
the action^ there was not a man on board of the Ban
Homme Richard ignorant of the superiority of the
Serapis, both in weight of metal and in the qualities
of the crews. The crew of that ship were picked sea-
men; and the ship itself had been only a few months off
the stocks; whereas, the crew of the Bon Homme Richr
ard consisted of part American, English and French,
and in part of Maltese, Portuguese and Malays; These
latter contributing by their want of naval skill and
knowledge of the English language, to depress rather
than to elevate a just hope of success in a combat
under such circumstances. Neither the consideiation
of the relative force of the ships, the act of the blow-
^g up of the gun deck above them by the bursting
of two of the eighteen pounders, nor the alarm that
the ship was sinking, could depress the ardour or change
the determination of the brave captain Jones, his offi-
cers and men. Neither the repeated broadsides of the
AUiance, given with the view of sinking or disabling
the Bon Homme Richard, the frequent necessity of sus-
pending combat to extinguish the flames, which several
times were within a few inches of the powder magazine,
nor the liberation by the master-at-arms of nearly five
hundred prisoners, could change or weaken the purpose
of the American commander.''

Colonel Chamillard, another e3re-witness and partic-
ipant in the engagement, who had loyally assisted
Jones from the outset of the cruise, has Ic^ a most
generous testimony of his admiration for his famous
associate, and seems to have realized from the hour of

r

''BON HOMME RIC5HARD'' AND "SERAPIS'' 475

the battle the height and quality of Jones's achieve-
ment. Intrusted with the official report of the cruise^
which he carried post-haste to Paris, he received the
first impression of the instant appreciation of Jones's
victory, which spread rapidly throughout Europe,
arousing the highest enthusiasm at the court of Ver-
sailles, and a panic of terror and rage at the court of
Saint James.

Passt, 9 October 1779.
At noon.

General, I delivered your despatches to M. de Sar-
tine and to Franklin, who both appeared to me to be
enchanted with your exploits, as wdl as every one who
has any knowledge of the battle.

Your combat of the 23rd. places you in the rank of
the greatest men, and immortalizes you. You see by
the hour of my arrival at Paris, and that of my de-
parture from the Texel, that I have lost no time. I
expect that these gentlemen will direct me to rejoin
you, which I greatly desire. I find the best possible
disposition in this country towards you, and a desire
to give you ample satisfaction in everything which you
may ask.

Adieu General, good health and a little patience, and
all will go well.

I am, with the truest attachment.

Your very humble servant,

Chamillard.
To Captain John Paul Jones.

A description of the engagement from the pen of a
high English authority,^ while dealing, with the extreme

^ Plof esBor Laughton.

476 JOHN PAUL JONES

of insular prejudice and injustice; with Jones's peraonal
character, gives unstinted praise to his conduct of the
battle :

Throughout the action Jones' conduct as the captain
of a ship of war is beyond all praise. His ship was in
every way inferior to the Serapis, and Pearson was a
man of known courage and good repute. I do not
think; though every American writer thinks, that Jones
took the Serapis not only single handed, but against
the treasonable assistance of Landais on the Alliance,
I think, though contrajy to the opinion of every Ameri-
can writer, that it was the mere presence of the AUir
ance that determined the result. But on the other
hand, I think it is impossible to overrate the ability,
the pluck, the determination, and the presence of mind
with which Jones fought and won the battle. The
Alliance gave Pearson an excuse for striking his flag.
It was Jones, and Jones alone, rather than the Bon
Homme Richard who first beat him to a standstiU.

The opinion of his only professional biographer. Cap-
tain McEenzie of the United States navy, concise and
free from any partisan exaggeration, may also be quoted
as the deliberate and imanimous judgment of the coun-
try whose cause he had so ardently adopted, whose
independence he had so nobly helped to achieve:

The conduct of Jones throughout this battle
played the greatest skill and the noblest heroism. He
carried his ship into action in the most gallant style,
and while he commanded with ability, excited his fol-
lowers by his personal example. We find him in the
course of action, himself assisting to lash the ships
together, aiding in the service of the only battery from

"BON HOMME RICHARD" AND "SERAPIS" 477

which a fire was still kept up, and when the Serapis
attempted to board, rushing pike in hand to meet and
repel the assailants. No difficulties or perplexities
seemed to appall him or disturb his judgment, and his
coinage and skill were equalled by his immoveable self
composure. The achievement of this victory was solely
due to his brilliant display of all the qualities essential
to the formation of a great naval commander.

In the decayed and ill-contrived old ship in which he
found himself cast out upon the ocean, in a scarcely
seaworthy condition from the first, and having under
his orders a motley collection of officers and seamen
from almost every country, he fought a battle which
for stubborn and resolute courage and triumphant suc-
cess, is unsurpassed by any sea fight of ancient or
modem times. This is a service the value of which
will be felt in its animating and encouraging example,
as long as we continue to have a name among the
nations of the earth.

The immediate personal results of the engagement
were commensurate with Jones's infinite desire for re-
nown. At last the glory-haunted brain saw its fond
visions realized, and from his baptism of fire the po-
tential hero leaped full-fledged into immortality. His
noble conceptions, by the aid of his imequalled deter-
mination and his great professional capacity, forced
themselves at last, even with the poorest of means, into
the reality of visible achievement. Unconquered and
unconquerable, in spite of his imparalleled hindrances,
he stood revealed at last for what he was.

No further triumphs awaited him in the ensuing
years; no great fleets were ever placed under his capable
command; this was his unique and crowning achieve-

478 JOHN PAUL JONES

ment. In spite of his difficulties and because of them,
this unf oigettable exhibition of his personal quality
and potentiality raised him at once to equal rank witib
the greatest naval commanders of history.

His astonishing reply to Pearson, when asked if he
had surraidered his doomed and sinking ship, expressed
in his characteristic simple phrase, ''I have not yet
begun to fight,'' has become a national battle-cry, and
is his password to the company of heroes.

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